AMERICAN 
PRINCIPLES 


By 

E.  P.  LOWE,  M.  D. 

A  series  of  brief,  non-partisan  suggestions  on  Public  Questions, 

designed  especially  for  our  Young  and  our 

New  Citizens 


1921 
Published  by  the  Author 


X 
^"^ 


Cgt 


HAMMOND  PRESS 
W.   B.  CONKEY  COMPANY 

CHICAQO 


Bebkatton 

To  our  Republic,  whose  kindly  genius  has 
ever  led  in  the  ways  of  justice,  peace  and 
liberty,   this  volume  is  gratefully  dedicated 


451361 


PREFACE 

THE  writer  of  this  volume  makes  no  pretensions  to  present- 
ing new  thought  or  data  on  the  subjects  treated,  nor  does 
he  expect  to  do  more  than  to  present  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciples involved  therein.  The  predetermined  size  of  this  volume, 
which  was  to  make  it  a  manual  of  American  principles,  pre- 
cludes the  possibility  of  any  attempt  to  exhaust  any  subject 
touched  upon,  even  had  the  writer  the  inclination  to  do  so;  but 
it  is  hoped  thereby  to  arouse  a  more  earnest  reflection  on  the 
part  of  the  reader,  to  the  end  that  he  may  more  faithfully  serve 
the  interests  of  the  great  democracy  to  which  he  belongs. 

There  never  was  a  time  in  our  nation^s  history  when  the 
loyal  citizen  was  called  upon  to  accord  a  more  candid  consider- 
ation to  the  great  and  perplexing  public  problems  confronting 
him  than  the  present.  On  every  side  great  and  overwhelming 
questions  of  State  obtrude  themselves  upon  his  attention,  and 
demand  the  sanest  and  most  prompt  solution.  The  nation  needs 
the  willing  service  of  every  citizen,  high  and  low,  great  and 
small,  of  whatever  national  or  racial  descent,  to  assist  it  in 
meeting  the  demands  of  the  crisis  now  before  it. 

It  is  in  the  hope  of  aiding  in  some  small  measure  in  this 
great  work  that  this  little  volume  has  been  written.  The  author, 
therefore,  appeals  to  the  reader  on  behalf  of  a  careful  perusal 
of  the  following  pages,  in  order  that,  while  eliminating  any 
error  he  may  detect,  he  may  use  his  best  efforts  to  secure  the 
application  of  the  true  principles  in  the  nation^s  daily  life.  Our 
country  needs  a  renewal  of  its  baptism  in  the  sacred  principles 
of  our  Constitution.  It  must  reconsecrate  itself  to  the  precepts 
of  the  Fathers.  It  is  thus  obligatory  upon  every  worthy  citizen 
to  perform  the  part  of  a  true  American.  There  is  no  place 
today  in  our  country  for  indifference  or  disloyalty. 

Though  some  of  the  suggestions  herein  submitted  may  be 
considered  by  some  as  Utopian  and  impracticable,  the  author 
consoles  himself  with  the  reflection  that  every  logical  conception 
of  man  will  eventually  find  a  practical  expression  in  his  daily 
life,  and  yield  its  fruits  in  the  times  to  come. 

5 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2007  with  funding  from 

IVIicrosoft  Corporation 


http://www.archive.org/details/americanprinciplOOIowerich 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Introduction 9-11 

The  Foundations  of  Democracy 13-14 

f The  Ideals  of  Democracy 15-17 

•The  Responsibility  of  the  Citizen   18-21 

The  Responsibilty  of  the  Government    22-23 

The  Essentiality  of  the  Franchise 24-25 

The  Restriction  of  the  Franchise 26-27 

The  Selection  of  Public  Officers 28-29 

Should  the  Public  Officer  Vote"? 30 

The  Initiative,  Referendum,  and  Recall 31 

'*'  The  Allegiance  of  the  Citizen 32 

The  Coordination  of  Subordinate  Grovemments 33-36 

National  Defense 37-38 

Public  Education 39-43 

The  Educational  Value  of  the  Fine  Arts 44-50 

Schools  for  the  Mental  Defectives 51-52 

Polytechnic  Schools 53 

Religious  Liberty 54-55 

The  Public  Revenues 56-60 

Homes  for  the  Aged  Poor 61-62 

The  Encouragement  of  Agriculture 63-64 

The  Prohibition  of  Unlawful  Combines 65 

The  Regulation  of  Capital 66-68 

The  Regulation  of  Labor 69-70 

The  Protection  of  the  Employe  Against  Dangerous  Machinery  71 

Government  Should  Fix  the  Hours  of  Labor 72 

7 


8  CONTENTS 

The  Circulating  Medium  73-74 

The  Prohibition  of  Vagrancy  and  Loitering 75-76 

General  Class  Regulation 77-81 

The  Conservation  of  National  Resources 82-83 

Abolition  of  the  Crop-Lien  System 84 

The  Nationalization  of  Public  Utilities 85-92 

The  Eleemosynary  Institutions 93-94 

Reformatories  for  the  Errant  Youth 95-96 

Drainage  of  Marshes  and  Irrigation  of  Arid  Lands 97-98 

The  Political  Opportunity  of  American  Womanhood 99-102 

The  Policy  of  International  Fairness 103-111 

The  Freedom  of  Speech  and  Press 112-113 

The  Prohibition  of  Profiteering 114-116 

Popular  Ethics 117-121 

Governmental  Control  of  Distributing  Agencies 122-123 

*The  Relations  and  Responsibilities  of  the  American  Races . .  124-128 

The  Care  of  the  Ex-Soldier 129-131 

Penalization,  Its  True  Purpose 132-135 

A  National  Health  Department 136-139 

The  Necessity  of  Regular  Public  Meetings. 140-141 

»  The  Prospective  Immigrant 142-148 

,^-^mericanization   149-151 

.  An  International  Peace  League 152-159 

The  Perils  of  Democracy .160-167 


INTRODUCTION 

TN"  offering  this  volume  for  public  consideration,  I  have  only 
■^  one  purpose  to  accomplish,  to  invite  the  earnest  reflection 
of  the  American  upon  the  priceless  value  of  those  great  prin- 
ciples of  our  system  of  government  which  constitute  not  only 
the  foundation  but  the  very  life  of  our  Eepublic.  These  con- 
stitutional principles  are  not  ours  alone,  but  are  the  roots  of 
all  orderly  government,  and  should  be  preserved  as  the  only  safe 
substructures  of  human  progress. 

The  true  advocate  of  popular  government  will  always  en- 
deavor to  defend  these  principles,  as  they  are  applied  in  our 
government,  against  every  inimical  influence  that  may  assail 
them;  but  in  doing  so  will  practice  that  measure  of  charity 
he  deems  due  to  human  frailty.  He  will  therefore  attack  the 
corrupt  system  rather  than  the  individual,  except  when  the  in- 
dividual allows  himself  to  become  the  working  exponent  of  the 
vicious  system.  Individual  conduct  may  be  distorted  through 
the  failure  of  individual  judgment,  hence,  when  individual 
judgment  collapses,  a  certain  charity  should  be  extended.  But 
when  the  system,  composed  as  it  is  of  many  individual  judg- 
ments, fails  to  measure  up  to  recognized  ethical  standards,  it 
will  not  merit  the  same  condoning  disposition.  In  the  system 
error  is  inexcusable,  since  it  should  be  detected  by  individual 
vigilance.  For  this  reason,  it  is  impossible  for  any  system  to 
fall  into  error  regarding  its  proper  ethical  course.  And  when 
the  system  knowingly  disregards  such  standard,  it  merits  the 
severest  censure.  It  is  only  by  determined  assaults  upon  such 
unethical  practices  that  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  Con- 
stitution may  be  perpetuated,  and  popular  liberty  be  preserved. 

In  every  effort  to  protect  these  vital  principles,  by  whom- 
soever made,  the  people,  who  are  most  deeply  concerned  in  the 
results,  should  lend  every  aid  and  encouragement,  rather  than 
turn  with  studied  indifference  from  those  who  would  defend 
their  inalienable  rights.  For  who  can  withstand  the  indif- 
ference of  those  he  would  defend?  And  who  should  be  more 
profoundly  interested  in  all  the  processes  of  free  government 

9 


10  AMEKI^AJST/- PRINCIPLES 

than  the  people,  the  creators  of  that  government?  The  justly 
celebrated  Justice  Story,  on  an  occasion  when  discussing  the 
principles  of  the  Constitution,  in  answer  to  the  query  as  to  the 
duration  of  our  Republic,  replied :  ''It  must  perish,  if  there  be 
not  that  vital  spirit  in  the  people,  which  alone  can  nourish, 
sustain,  and  direct  all  its  movements.  It  is  in  vain  that  states- 
men shall  form  plans  of  government,  in  which  the  beauty  and 
harmony  of  a  republic  shall  be  embodied  in  visible  order,  shall 
be  built  up  on  solid  substructions,  and  adorned  by  every  useful 
ornament,  if  the  inhabitants  suffer  the  silent  power  of  time  to 
dilapidate  its  walls,  or  crumble  its  massy  supporters  into  dust; 
if  the  assaults  from  without  are  never  resisted,  and  the  rotten- 
ness and  mining  within  are  never  guarded  against.  Who  can 
preserve  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  people,  when  they  shall 
be  abandoned  by  themselves?  Who  shall  keep  watch  in  the 
temple  when  the  watchmen  sleep  at  their  posts?  Who  shall 
call  upon  the  people  to  redeem  their  possessions,  and  revive  the 
republic,  when  their  own  hands  have  deliberately  and  corruptly 
surrendered  them  to  the  oppressor,  and  have  built  the  prisons 
or  dug  the  graves  of  their  own  friends?  America,  free,  happy, 
and  enlightened  as  she  is,  must  rest  the  preservation  of  her 
rights  and  liberties  upon  the  virtue,  independence,  justice,  and 
sagacity  of  her  people.  If  either  fails,  the  republic  is  gone. 
Its  shadow  may  remain  with  all  the  pomp,  and  circumstance, 
and  trickery  of  government,  but  its  vital  power  will  have  de- 
parted. In  America  the  demagogue  may  arise  as  well  as  else- 
where. He  is  the  natural,  though  spurious,  growth  of  republics, 
and,  like  the  courtier,  he  may,  by  his  blandishments,  delude 
the  ears  and  blind  the  eyes  of  the  people  to  their  own  destruc- 
tion. If  ever  the  day  shall  arrive  in  which  the  best  talents 
and  best  virtues  be  driven  from  office  by  intrigue  or  corruption, 
by  the  ostracism  of  the  press,  or  the  still  more  unrelenting 
persecution  of  party,  legislation  will  cease  to  be  national.  It 
will  be  wise  by  accident,  and  bad  by  system  .^^ 

So  long  as  we  retain  the  spirit  of  freemen,  we  shall  not 
surrender  but  defend  these  principles  with  every  power  at  our 
command,  and  strive  with  equal  energy  and  by  every  just  means 
to  apply  them  to  the  needs  of  our  people.     We  may  differ  as 


INTEODUCTION  11 

regards  the  best  method  of  their  application  in  the  common  weal, 
but  not  as  to  their  unvarying  potency  and  sanctity.  These 
responsibilities,  so  masterfully  set  forth  by  Justice  Story,  we 
may  not  evade  without  the  loss  of  our  cherished  liberties,  or 
even  of  the  Eepublic  itself.  To  this  cause,  sacred  in  its  very 
nature,  this  volume  is  unreservedly  devoted. 

The  time  will  probably  come  when  we  shall  be  confronted 
with  the  suggestion  to  revise  our  national  Constitution.  Should 
such  a  question  ever  arise,  we  should  repudiate  the  proposition 
as  exceedingly  perilous  to  our  liberties.  There  can  be  no  need 
of  such  a  procedure.  A  revision  can  only  mean  a  change  of 
language  or  principle,  or  both.  The  language  of  this  instru- 
ment is  perspicuous  beyond  cavil,  while  its  principles  have 
stood  the  test  of  a  century  and  a  half. 

So  long  as  the  stability  of  our  fundamental  law  remains  a 
fixed  and  safe  anchorage  for  state  legislation,  the  state  con- 
stitution may  be  revised  from  time  to  time  to  meet  the  varying 
needs  of  local  government;  but  when  we  alter  the  principles 
of  our  federal  Constitution,  thus  destroying  its  solidarity,  we 
cut  away  the  strong  mooring  of  state  law  and  set  the  ship  of 
state  adrift  in  dangerous  waters. 

In  any  convention  called  for  the  purpose  of  revising  our 
fundamental  or  basic  law,  we  shall  certainly  witness  the  dom- 
ination of  selfish  interests;  and  the  principles  of  government 
which  have  brought  us  to  a  conspicuous  place  among  the  world's 
great  nations  will  be  distorted  and  corrupted  to  selfish  ends. 

We  may  amend  the  Constitution  as  rare  occasions  may  de- 
mand, but  let  us  not  countenance  any  confusing  revision  of  this 
great  instrument.  Such  action  would  be  fraught  with  the 
gravest  peril. 


THE  FOUNDATIONS  OF  DEMOCRACY 

Every  true  democracy  must,  in  the  nature  of  things,  be 
based  upon  certain  great  ethical  and  spiritual  principles.  It 
is  these  supporting  principles  alone  which  make  government 
of  the  people,  for  the  people,  and  by  the  people  a  practical 
reality.  These  principles  have  all  sprung  from  man's  primitive 
intuitions  or  his  original  religious  truth,  and  the  ethical  systems 
derived  from  them,  whether  viewed  in  their  individual  or  na- 
tional application,  have  varied  only  with  the  different  racial  or 
national  efforts  to  harmonize  these  principles  in  the  world's  life. 
Thus,  while  all  races  of  men  have  possessed  the  same  great 
fundamental  truth,  or  religious  concept,  they  have  not  all  con- 
sidered it  from  the  same  viewpoint.  Some  have  had  a  clearer 
insight  into  its  nature — have  entertained  it  in  a  far  purer  state 
than  others — and  these  races  or  nations  have  always  made 
greater  progress  in  civilization;  while  less  favored,  or  at  any 
rate  less  fortunate  ones,  have  lingered  in  their  advancement. 
But  all  nations  or  races,  whatever  their  respective  interpreta- 
tions of  the  truth  may  be,  need  to  apply  its  principles  in  their 
efforts  to  work  out  their  own  peculiar  destinies.  This  intuitive 
truth  is  the  impelling  law  of  life-development,  individual  and 
national,  and  there  can  be  no  permanent  improvement  without 
it.  Each  nation,  therefore,  must  apply  this  truth,  in  accord- 
ance with  its  own  concept  thereof,  in  its  struggle  for  its  own 
uplift.  As  this  is  an  inalienable  individual  right,  so  it  is  also 
an  inalienable  national  right. 

As  national  progress  and  development  are  founded  upon 
the  interpretation  and  application  of  this  truth  in  the  affairs 
of  men,  and  as  mankind's  chief  hope  for  the  future  must 
depend  upon  its  wise  application  in  human  government,  it  fol- 
lows that  each  nation  must  scrupulously  preserve  its  own  ideals 
from  contamination,  and,  in  consequence,  must,  in  its  rela- 
tions in  the  sisterhood  of  nations,  be  considered  foreign  to  every 
other. 

Thus,  while  the  doctrine  of  the  Brotherhood  of  Man  is  true 
in  a  universal  sense,  the  different  aggregations  of  men  known 

13 


14  AMERICAN    PRINCIPLES 

as  nations  have,  under  present  conditions,  their  own  peculiar 
interpretations  or  ideals,  which  they  are  duty  bound  to  protect, 
since  upon  these  alone  their  character  and  progress  must  at  last 
depend.  And  since  it  is  the  duty  of  the  State  in  its  progres- 
sive policies  to  apply  only  those  great  ethical  principles  uni- 
versally recognized  as  undebatable  and  true,  so  it  has  been  con- 
sidered wise  and  timely  in  most  democracies  to  divorce  the 
State  from  all  those  religious  or  sectarian  creeds  or  tenets  of 
debatable  and  therefore  uncertain  character.  The  public  wel- 
fare has  been  deemed  best  subserved  by  confining  the  discus- 
sion and  application  of  these  undetermined  doctrines  to  the  sev- 
eral Churches,  to  which  they  of  right  appertain.  But  while  this 
is  unalterably  true,  it  is  also  true  that  the  divine  laws  underly- 
ing the  development  of  human  life  constitute  the  only  lasting 
foundation  of  all  true  and  free  government.  The  independent 
cooperation  of  the  forces  of  mind  and  spirit  is  the  sine  qua 
non  to  progress.  From  this  truism  there  can  be  no  possible 
escape. 


THE  IDEALS  OF  DEMOCRACY 

:As  the  nation  is  a  product  of  mind,  its  ideals  must  be  those 
of  its  ruling  power.  This  is  peculiarly  true  of  democracy  which 
is  a  nation  composed  of  progressive  freemen  united  for  mutual 
protection,  advancement  and  development.  As  it  is  a  product 
of  the  popular  mind  and,  therefore,  an  expression  of  the  popu- 
lar character,  it  must  partake  of  the  constitution  of  its  m-  - 
td^^l  units.  But  man  is  constituted  of  three  principles — the 
physical,  mental  and  spiritual — and  possesses  faculties  which 
enable  him  to  function  on  these  three  planes^  So  democracy, 
in  obedience  to  the  will  of  its  creators,  must  function  on  all 
three  planes.  Its  physical  functions  are  production,  distribu- 
tion and  consumption;  its  mental  functions  are  legislation, 
jjidicature,  and  execution;  and  its  spiritual  functions  are  wis- 
dom," justice,  ABd  beneficenee.  To  fulfil  its  true  mission  in 
the  world,  it  must  function  freely  on  all  three  planes,  from 
above  downward — from  the  spiritual  to  the  physical.  Thus, 
it  must  be  wise,  just,  and  beneficent  in  the  legislation,  inter- 
pretation, and  execution  of  law  regulatory  of  the  production, 
distribution,  and  consumption  of  the  daily  necessities  of  the 
people,  and  all  laws  looking  to  their  physical,  mental,  and  spirit- 
ual protection  and  education.  It  must  produce,  by  a  proper 
system  of  education,  a  man  of  the  best  physical  structure,  the 
loftiest  intellectual  faculties,  and  the  noblest  spiritual  virtues. 
It  must  cultivate  all  that  is  best  and  eliminate  all  that  is  worst 
in  the  physical,  mental,  and  spiritual  constitution  of  the  citizen. 
In  this  way  only  may  it  perform  its  real  purpose  of  serving 
the  comfort,  happiness,  and  progressive  development  of  its 
people.) 

But  as  democracy  is  a  product  of  the  popular  mind,  its 
true  power  must  spring  from  the  people's  highest  attainable 
education  of  the  three  constituent  principles  of  human  nature. 
Thus  the  higher  and  truer  the  education  of  the  people,  the 
higher  and  truer  will  be  their  democracy;  and  the  higher  and 
truer  the  democracy,  the  higher  and  more  profound  will  popu- 
lar education  be ;  for  it  is  the  first  duty  of  democracy  to  steadily 

15 


16  AMEEICAN    PEINCIPLES 

raise  the  culture  of  the  masses.  The  education  of  its  citizenry- 
is  not  only  its  sole  hope  of  continued  existence,  but  its  sole 
hope  of  highest  achievement. 

The  ideal  of  democracy  must,  therefore,  spring  from  the 
ideal  of  its  people.  In  other  words,  the  nobler  and  more  exalted 
the  popular  mind,  arising  from  the  contemplation  of  the 
harmony,  beauty,  and  perfection  of  the  physical,  mental,  and 
spiritual  ordination  of  human  nature,  the  grander  the  democ- 
racy, and  the  broader  the  scope  of  its  beneficence.  The  sanest 
and  truest  idealism  of  the  citizenship,  in  its  application  to 
the  nation  and  to  the  world,  is  the  highest  ideal  of  the 
democracy;  and  it  is  toward  the  actualization  of  this  ideal  that 
its  citizens  should  strive  to  lift  it.  Herein  our  paramount  duty. 
Herein  lies  our  only  hope.  We  must  raise  the  ideals  of  our 
people!  Where  these  are  suffered  to  decline  to  a  point  where 
self-government  is  impossible,  democracy  collapses,  disintegrates 
and  dissolves  under  the  corrosive  power  of  corruption,  and  all 
the  fruits  of  decades  and  perhaps  centuries  of  arduous  and 
painful  toil  are  lost  to  the  race  and  civilization.  We  shall 
then  be  under  the  painful  necessity  of  groping  our  way  for 
years  through  anarchistic  tyranny  and  political  chaos,  until  we 
shall  re-learn  the  lessons  of  spiritual  truth,  and  regain  the  path- 
way of  progress.  Nor,  under  such  circumstances,  would  there 
be  any  possibility  of  an  early  restoration,  since  the  only  foun- 
dation of  popular  government,  the  mental  and  spiritual  intel- 
ligence of  the  people,  will  have  been  destroyed. 

Where  there  are  evidences  of  decline  in  the  idealism  of  the 
people,  we  should  proceed  without  delay  to  prohibit  the  im- 
portation of  all  foreign  elements  with  their  varying  ideals,  nor 
should  we  resume  this  importation  until,  through  a  system  of 
intensive  education,  such  foreign  elements  as  have  already  been 
admitted  into  the  body  politic  shall  be  wholly  and  completely 
Americanized  and  absorbed.  ISTo  business  considerations  should 
be  permitted  to  obstruct  this  necessary  procedure.  For  the  nation 
to  pursue  a  contrary  course  is  the  climax  of  folly — is,  indeed, 
treason  to  its  truest  interests.  For  the  nation  to  protect  the 
race  and  civilization  of  its  people  is  to  discharge  its  first  and 
paramount  duty.     For  the  nation  to  protect  its  race  is  not  to 


THE   IDEALS    OF   DEMOCEACY  17 

disparage  other  races,  but  to  preserve  the  purity  of  its  blood 
and  civilization,  to  which  every  law  of  nature  and  justice  yields 
the  right. 

/a  contemplation  of  the  foregoing  facts  must  lead  us  to  the 
conclusion  that  democracy  is  a  physical,  mental,  and  spiritual 
union  of  power  in  an  entity  designed  to  favor  the  development 
of  the  best  possible  life  of  the  citizen  and  the  supreme  good 
in  the  nation.- 


THE  EESPONSIBILITY  OF  THE 
CITIZEN 

As  exalted  and  beneficent  as  the  principles  of  our  national 
Constitution  are,  they  will  fail  of  their  aim  if  not  properly  en- 
forced in  our  national  life.  Of  what  benefit  could  they  be  if 
not  made  potent  factors  in  our  civilization?  If  we  are  not  to 
use  them,  we  may  as  well  be  without  them.  If  we  are  to  bury 
ourselves  in  darkness,  we  may  as  well  not  have  the  light.  A 
principle  in  the  abstract  is  but  a  mere  concept  of  philosophy. 
It  must  be  applied  in  the  practical,  everyday  life  of  the  world 
if  it  is  to  achieve  its  divine  purpose. 

These  great  constructive  principles  do  not  belong  to  us 
alone.  They  are  the  foundation  stones  of  all  liberal  and  humane 
governments,  especially  of  democracies.  It  is  thus  the  duty 
of  democracy  everywhere  to  apply  these  principles,  by  a  proper 
and  adequate  system  of  administration,  to  the  needs  of  human- 
ity. The  life  of  man,  individually  and  collectively,  must  be 
aligned  with  them.  In  no  other  way  may  he  develop  his  phys- 
ical, mental,  and  spiritual  nature  in  accordance  with  divine 
decree.    They  constitute  the  sole  law  of  life  development. 

But  there  is  no  individual  development  without  individual 
responsibility  and  freedom.  Without  freedom  of  action  the 
individual  is  restrained  in  progress;  and  without  responsibility, 
he  may  not  ennoble  his  life.  Responsibility,  with  the  freedom 
to  act  for  self  and  others,  is  the  spur  to  personal  effort.  But 
there  can  be  no  individual  responsibility,  with  liberty,  in  the 
autocracy,  it  matters  not  whether  that  form  of  government  be 
exercised  by  an  individual  or  by  all  the  people.  In  the  one 
instance,  it  takes  the  form  of  absolute  monarchy;  in  the  other, 
that  of  a  socialism.  In  either  form  of  government,  individual 
liberty  and  responsibility  are  lost;  and  the  individual  becomes 
a  slave  to  the  system.  And  as  individual  aspiration  and  initia- 
tive decline  under  the  paralyzing  power  of  the  autocracy,  so 
the  nation  falls  into  sluggish  life,  and  the  hope  of  human 
progress  languishes.  All  personal  grandeur  in  the  citizen 
perishes  as  he  becomes  a  mere  passive  cog  in  the  sluggish  wheel 
of  State. 

18 


EESPONSIBILITY    OF    THE    CITIZEN  19 

Democracy  is  the  only  form  of  government  which  grants  the 
freedom  requisite  to  a  normal  individual  development;  and  it 
is  the  democracy  alone  which  creates  individual  responsibility. 
As  man  advanced  along  the  path  of  his  destiny,  ever  broaden- 
ing in  experience  and  knowledge,  he  came  to  know  the  admin- 
istration of  public  affairs  was  best  done  when  he  had  a  direct 
and  personal  part  in  its  conduct.  Not  only  did  he  find  that 
administration  thus  purer  and  better,  but  that  it  made  him 
broader,  wiser,  and  nobler.  He  thus  came  eventually  to  possess 
a  more  intimate  acquaintance  with  his  fellows;  to  know  more 
of  their  needs  and  requirements ;  more  of  their  misfortunes  and 
adversities;  more  of  their  aspirations  and  hopes;  more  of  their 
ideals  regarding  life  and  its  responsibilities.  He  came  to  ap- 
preciate more  deeply  the  interrelations  of  men,  to  enter  more 
profoundly  into  sympathy  with  them,  and  to  realize  the  nature 
and  necessity  of  their  fraternal  and  social  kinship.  He  came 
to  know  the  family-hood  of  his  people — that  in  this  great  na- 
tional family  every  member  is,  by  the  benevolence  of  demo- 
cratic principle,  on  an  equal  footing  with  every  other  before  the 
law  and  proffered  opportunity,  and  that  all  labor  in  trustful 
harmony  for  the  advancement  and  ennoblement  of  their  great 
and  free  society.  He  also  came  to  know  that  democracy,  the 
rule  of  the  people,  has  always  been  regarded  by  autocracy  as  its 
deadliest  enemy,  and  that,  in  consequence,  the  existence  of 
democracy  is  ever  in  peril  and  that  it  can  only  be  preserved  by 
the  tireless  vigilance  and  unfailing  devotion  of  the  people. 

Under  efficient  democracy  man  reaches  the  most  exalted 
expression  of  his  individual  and  collective  life.  Under  its 
wholesome  guidance  his  highest  civilization  is  realized.  And 
through  the  operation  of  its  beneficent  principles,  he  enjoys  the 
largest  measure  of  liberty,  happiness,  and  enlightenment.  It  is, 
then,  the  citizen's  highest  duty  to  maintain  it  in  its  purity.  A 
corrupt  democracy  has  ever  been  among  the  most  tyrannical 
governments.  Under  such  a  system  oppressive  oligarchies  grow 
up,  varying  in  number  with  the  extent  of  the  nation,  and  even- 
tually arrogate  to  themselves  the  authority  of  the  central  power 
and  exercise  it  to  selfish  ends. 

When  democracy  has  failed  to  fulfil  its  whole  mission,  the 


20  AMEEICAN    PEINCIPLES 

fault  lies  not  in  its  principles  but  in  the  faulty  enforcement  of 
these  principles.  We  as  citizens  have  proved  unfaithful  to 
these  principles,  and  suffer  as  the  result.  The  hand  of  retribu- 
tion never  fails  to  fall  with  oppressive  weight  upon  the  people 
who  neglect  to  faithfully  enforce  the  principles  of  their  own 
rule. 

When  defects  in  democratic  government  arise,  as  is  likely 
to  occur  in  any  human  institution,  the  people  should  go  intelli- 
gently about  correcting  them,  since  they  alone  are  responsible 
for  the  conditions.  But  in  this  work  proper  conservatism  and 
wisdom  should  be  used.  Hysterical  and  violent  action  can  but 
result  in  failure.  Not  only  does  it  fail  to  reform  the  evil,  but 
actually  adds  to  it  by  substituting  greater  evils,  until  all  is  lost. 
Such  action  on  the  part  of  the  citizen  is  fraught  with  the  grav- 
est peril  not  only  to  the  community  but  to  himself  as  well. 
Such  a  reactionary  citizen  is  like  the  man  who,  discovering 
defects  in  the  house  it  was  his  duty  to  keep  in  proper  repair, 
rushes  into  frenzy  and  pulls  down  the  sheltering  structure  upon 
the  heads  of  his  innocent  family,  and  with  them  perishes  in  the 
ruins.  The  logical  course  for  this  man  would  be  to  go  about 
intelligently  repairing  his  residence  with  a  view  to  making  it 
a  happier  and  fitter  future  abode  for  himself  and  family. 

And  so  it  should  be  with  the  true  citizen.  If  he  finds  de- 
fects arising  in  his  democracy,  it  is  his  privilege  and  duty  to 
join  with  his  fellow-citizens  to  remove  them  by  the  proper  use 
of  the  ballot.  To  destroy  his  system  of  government  by  frantic 
and  hysterical  violence  is  the  climax  of  madness.  Eeactionism 
is  the  antithesis  of  progress,  and  within  its  poisonous  shadow 
liberalism  and  advancement  cannot  survive.  In  the  democ- 
racy the  citizen  is  supreme.  The  majority  may  make  any  al- 
teration deemed  necessaay  to  the  welfare  of  all.  But  no 
minority  has  any  right  to  change  a  law  or  distort  a  principle 
for  its  special  benefit.  Such  a  procedure  is  subversive  of  all 
orderly  government,  under  whose  flag  and  shield  alone  it  is 
possible  for  civilized  man  to  live.  Violent  reactionism  is,  there- 
fore, suicidal,  as  it  perishes  from  a  poison  administered  by  its 
own  hand. 

Thus,  if  the  citizen  hopes  to  preserve  for  himself  and  his 


EESPONSIBILITY   OF   THE    CITIZEN  21 

posterity  a  free  and  progressive  democracy,  he  must  protect  the 
means  by  which  alone  it  is  maintained.  He  must  protect  the 
purity  of  his  neighbor's  ballot,  and  keep  his  own  unsullied. 
Moreover,  he  must  devote  himself  assiduously  on  behalf  of  the 
cultivation  of  both  head  and  heart — ^to  the  thorough  education 
of  the  electorate  as  the  only  escape  from  national  calamity,  and 
as  the  very  keystone  in  the  superstructure  of  our  civilization. 
He  must  place  country  above  all  other  considerations,  and  be 
content  to  share  in  the  general  prosperity  of  his  countrymen. 
He  has  no  right  to  demand  special  favors  or  privileges  at  the 
expense  of  his  fellow-citizens,  but  must  share  with  them  alike 
in  their  prosperity  or  their  adversity.  He  must  seek  to  unite 
his  countrymen  in  one  homogeneous  citizenship  whose  aspira- 
tion shall  be  to  think  of  one  country  and  one  flag  in  promot- 
ing the  loftiest  civilization  in  our  own  land  and  tendering  its 
blessings  to  the  world. 

To  these  ends,  he  must  protect  and  maintain  the  principles 
of  our  national  Constitution  at  all  hazards.  Ko  citizen,  whether 
capitalist,  laborer,  or  a  member  of  any  other  class,  can  afford 
to  allow  these  beacons  to  become  extinguished.  They  are  the 
only  lights  we  have  to  guide  us  along  the  uncertain  pathway 
we  must  traverse  in  our  search  for  a  better  and  nobler  national 
life;  and  these  beacons  proper  education  alone  will  enable  us  to 
perceive  and  utilize. 

To  the  true  American  of  today,  the  recognition  of  full 
responsibility  to  the  country  is  the  overwhelming  need  of  the 
hour. 


THE  RESPONSIBILITY  OF  GOVERNMENT 

Government  in  the  democracy,  when  true  to  its  nature,  must 
perform  three  great  functions — ^to  make,  to  interpret,  and  to 
enforce  the  law.  This  responsibility  the  people  have  trustfully 
confided  to  it. 

The  first  function  is  performed  when  the  will  of  all  the  peo- 
ple, not  a  particular  group  of  citizens,  is  expressed  in  the  effort 
to  subserve  the  welfare,  progress,  and  happiness  of  the  whole 
nation. 

The  second  function  is  accomplished  when  the  laws  are 
honestly  and  sincerely  adjusted  in  every  cause,  whether  indi- 
vidual or  corporate.  Where  partiality  and  favoritism  are  shown 
in  the  interpretation  and  application  of  the  law,  the  law  itself 
and  the  judicial  authority  involved  fail  of  their  true  purpose. 

The  third  function  of  government,  the  enforcement  of  the 
law,  is,  if  possible,  more  vital  than  either  of  the  others.  The 
law  will  avail  but  little  unless  honestly  enforced.  There  is  no 
other  method  of  testing  its  effects.  If  bad,  it  will  thus  be 
detected;  if  good,  it  will  bestow  its  benefaction  as  intended. 
The  lax  or  partial  enforcement  of  the  law  in  city,  state,  or 
nation  must  sooner  or  later  encourage  the  activity  of  evil  in- 
fluences. These  malevolent  forces  are  ever  tugging  at  the  leash 
and  only  await  the  moment  it  breaks  to  turn  loose  their  fury 
upon  the  peaceable  citizen.  There  must  be  no  favor  shown  to 
individual  or  group.  The  law  is  for  the  protection  of  all  citi- 
zens alike  against  the  inherent  imperfections  of  human  nature, 
and  not  for  the  material  benefit  of  any  particular  citizen  or  group 
of  citizens. 

Where  the  government,  through  fear,  corrupt  politics,  or  for 
any  other  reason,  fails  to  honestly,  fearlessly,  and  vigorously 
enact,  interpret,  and  enforce  the  law,  it  practically  enters  into 
collusion  with  the  evil  forces  to  exploit  the  people  and  to  under- 
mine their  national  life.  The  result  is  the  same  whether  the 
failure  arises  from  fear  or  unmeritorious  timidity.  N"or  can 
any  other  conclusion  be  reached.  Government,  when  worthy  of 
the  name  and  possessed  of  a  proper  sense  of  responsibility,  will 

22 


THE     EESPONSIBILITY    OF   GOVERNMENT      23 

assume  an  attitude  of  undeviating  justice  toward  all  interests, 
but  stand  unflinchingly  behind  the  principles  of  a  free  democ- 
racy. To  do  less  is  to  evince  a  dangerous  vacillation  and  in- 
sipid weakness.  To  show  indecision  in  times  of  danger  is  to 
imperil  the  life  of  the  nation.  Government  is  the  exponent 
of  the  people's  will  and  is  therefore  omnipotent,  and  no  citi- 
zen or  group  of  citizens  may  rise  equal  to,  let  alone  superior  to,  it. 


THE  ESSENTIALITY  AND  SANCTITY 
OF  THE  FRANCHISE 

When  a  people  retire  from  their  dependency  upon  another 
people  and  settle  upon  some  delimited  area  of  the  earth's  surface, 
they  become  an  independent  and  sovereign  State.  There  is  no 
power  above  theirs  save  that  of  Providence.  They  have  assumed 
responsibility  for  their  own  racial  and  national  destiny;  and 
whether  they  ascend  to  the  loftiest  civilization  or  gradually 
decline  into  a  state  of  barbarism,  rests  solely  with  them. 

But  to  properly  wield  this  ruling  power,  they  must,  of  ne- 
cessity, organize  it  into  a  suitable  system  of  government.  This 
government  will  be  determined  by  their  particular  genius.  A 
highly  intelligent  and  liberty-loving  people  will  prefer  the 
democracy,  because  in  this  form  of  government  their  will  is 
more  freely  expressed.  Here  every  individual  surrenders  some- 
thing of  his  own  independent  power  for  the  common  good;  and 
it  is  only  natural  that  he  should  desire  to  participate  in  the 
framing  and  direction  of  the  system  by  which  this  delegated 
power  is  to  be  exercised.  Firstly,  he  demands  the  power  shall 
be  well  and  wisely  applied  in  the  accomplishment  of  the  desired 
object.  Secondly,  as  his  interests  are  inseparably  bound  up  in 
those  of  the  community,  he  seeks  a  part  in  the  management  of 
its  affairs. 

To  achieve  these  two  desiderata,  he  reserves  the  right  to 
express  his  will  by  casting  the  ballot.  This  is  to  him  a  sacred 
right,  and  must  be  preserved  unsullied.  By  its  exercise  he 
protects  himself  and  the  community;  while  through  its  loss  he 
lapses  into  slavery  and  the  nation  into  barbarism. 

Every  citizen,  therefore,  who  has  the  proper  qualities  of 
head  and  heart  should  be  invested  with  the  franchise;  but  any 
citizen  who  has  not  these  necessary  qualifications  should  lose  it. 
This  must  be  self-evident  to  thinking  men,  as  the  ends  of  democ- 
racy can  be  achieved  in  no  other  way.  Let  the  citizen  not  dis- 
credit the  sanctity  of  the  franchise. 

Its  proper  exercise  must  forever  depend  upon  the  intelli- 
gence, conscience,  and  freedom  of  the  citizen.    The  foundations 

24 


THE    ESSENTIALITY    OF    THE    FEANCHISE     25 

of  democracy  are  steadily  undermined  when  the  freedom  of 
the  citizen  to  cast  an  honest  ballot  is  in  any  manner  infringed. 
No  greater  enemy  to  republican  form  of  government  could  be 
found  than  the  man  who,  through  any  unjust  or  corrupt  means, 
seeks  to  deprive  his  fellow-citizen  of  his  right  to  cast  a  free 
and  untrammeled  vote  in  popular  elections.  The  avowed  enemy 
is  far  less  dangerous.  The  corrupter  of  the  franchise,  who  per- 
ambulates the  nation  in  the  garb  of  patriotism  while  in  the 
precincts  of  the  polling  booth  thrusts  the  dagger  of  pollution 
into  the  vitals  of  this  sacred  privilege,  is  as  reprehensible  and 
dangerous,  if  not  more  so,  to  the  principles  of  free  democracy 
as  the  man  who  openly  boasts  its  destruction. 

Every  citizen  who  claims  the  honor  of  being  a  freeman 
should  see  that  his  right  to  cast  his  ballot  as  he  pleases  is  not 
compromised,  provided  he  casts  it  from  conscientious  motives; 
for  he  has  no  more  right  than  any  one  else  to  corrupt  it.  No 
citizen  can  be  a  free  and  true  man  who  allows  another  to  con- 
trol his  franchise.  Every  real  citizen  will  cast  a  fearless  vote. 
He  cannot  afford  to  do  otherwise.  It  would  involve  a  sacrifice 
of  manly  pride  and  civic  virtue  he  could  not  afford  to  make. 


RESTRICTION  OF  THE  FRANCHISE 

One  of  the  most  far-reaching  functions  of  the  State,  through 
its  government,  is  the  regulation  of  the  franchise.  In  every 
State,  except  the  despotism  or  absolute  monarchy,  the  coopera- 
tion and  sanction  of  the  people  in  constructive  legislation  are 
sought.  This  can  only  be  secured  by  the  popular  vote  which 
registers  the  popular  will.  The  franchise  is,  therefore,  a  most 
sacred  power,  since  it  may  either  defend  and  support  the  State, 
or  steadily  undermine  its  fundamental  principles.  It  is,  then, 
a  matter  of  great  moment  upon  whom  it  is  bestowed.  This 
power  should  only  be  confided  to  such  as  are  in  perfect  harmony 
with  the  national  ideals  and  aspirations.  To  confer  it  upon 
those  ignorant  of  or  out  of  sympathy  with  these  ideals  is  to 
jeopardize  the  hopes  and  ambitions  of  the  nation.  Eor  this  rea- 
son, it  is  unwise  to  grant  this  sacred  right  to  any  foreigner  of 
mature  years  when  admitted,  as  it  is  impossible  for  him  to  divest 
himself  of  the  ideals  of  his  native  country,  implanted  as  they 
have  been  from  his  early  youth.  All  foreigners  over  twelve 
years  of  age  when  admitted,  and  all  children  of  foreigners  edu- 
cated in  the  country  of  parental  nativity,  should  be  refused  the 
franchise,  as  they  cannot  but  be  imbued  with  foreign  ideals. 
Only  the  offspring  of  foreigners,  under  twelve  years  of  age  when 
admitted  and  educated  in  the  schools  of  the  adopted  country, 
should  have  the  right  of  franchise  in  that  country.  The  only 
other  alternative  to  this  exigency  is  the  most  painstaking  and 
intensive  education  of  the  foreigner,  in  the  hope  new  ideals  in 
accord  with  those  of  his  adopted  country  may  be  instilled,  and 
supplant  those  previously  inculcated.  Capricious  endeavors  along 
these  lines  will  inevitably  result  in  failure.  The  efforts  must 
be  continuous  and  persistent,  and  even  then  we  must  be  pre- 
pared for  failure. 

The  purity  of  the  ballot  should,  above  all  other  considera- 
tions, be  preserved,  and  every  citizen,  native  or  foreign  born, 
who  defiles  his  ballot  by  bribery  or  other  corrupt  practice,  should 
be  disfranchised  and  severely  punished  by  a  long  term  of  im- 
prisonment.    The  pollution  of  the  sacred  right  of  franchise  by 

26 


EESTEICTION    OF   THE    FEANCHISE  27 

offering  or  accepting  a  bribe  should  merit  the  severest  punish- 
ment possible,  since  no  practice  could  be  more  dangerous  or 
fatal  to  the  future  interest  of  the  State.  Every  safeguard 
should  be  thrown  about  this  sacred  privilege  to  see  that  it  is 
properly  used,  as  it  is  at  once  the  most  honorable  and  the  most 
potent  that  a  free  and  independent  community  can  bestow  upon 
its  citizens.  It  is  the  flaming  sword  with  which  the  citizen  may 
assist  in  the  defense  of  his  country  or  join  with  its  enemies 
in  its  partial  or  complete  overthrow.  The  State,  especially  the 
democracy,  must  never  cease  to  inculcate  this  truth  in  the  minds 
of  its  children.  No  more  vital  duty  could  possibly  be  attached 
to  their  future  responsibility  to  their  country. 


SELECTION  OF  PUBLIC  OFFICEES 

Every  government  should  seek  to  secure  trained  employes. 
But  these  can  only  be  produced  through  proper  education,  which 
consists  in  the  normal  and  equal  development  of  body,  mind, 
and  spirit.  No  citizen  can  be  properly  educated  where  either 
of  his  principles  is  neglected.  All  the  highest  officers  of  State 
should  be  elective — should  be  chosen  by  the  direct  vote  of  the 
people — while  the  subordinate  positions  should  be  filled  by  com- 
petitive examinations,  with  a  view  to  securing  the  most  profi- 
cient incumbents.  As  the  people  are  the  repository  of  all  power, 
they  should  elect  by  their  ballots  all  important  officers  in  their 
service,  and  provide  the  law  whereby  less  important  positions 
may  be  filled  by  competitive  examination.  They  should  also 
exercise  the  power  of  recall,  so  that  they  may  be  able  to  remove 
an  incompetent  or  recalcitrant  servant.  In  this  way  officers 
of  the  government  would  be  responsible  directly  to  the  people, 
and  could  at  any  time  be  removed  by  them  when  deemed  ad- 
visable. To  question  the  people's  right  in  this  regard  is  to 
insult  their  democracy. 

The  civil  service  examinations  should  be  thorough  and 
adapted  to  the  employment  in  view,  and  in  all  cases  should  be 
fair  and  impartial,  since  in  this  way  only  may  the  inalienable" 
right  of  the  citizen  to  serve  his  country  be  safeguarded.  The 
incumbents  of  civil  service  positions,  irrespective  of  political 
faction  or  party,  should  depend  upon  efficiency  and  good  be- 
havior, and  any  removal  for  other  reasons  should  be  punishable 
by  fine  and  the  dismissal  of  the  offender.  And  to  secure  prompt 
and  effective  action  in  such  cases,  special  tribunals  should  have 
jurisdiction  over  all  civil  service  complaints. 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  entire  nation  would  be 
required  to  vote  on  every  district  officer;  the  election  of  such 
officers  could  be  safely  entrusted  to  the  people  of  the  particular 
district  interested. 

In  all  elections  the  people  should  reserve  the  right  to  con- 
test and  correct  error.  Such  procedure  should  not  be  left  to 
the  initiative  of  the  candidate,  but  the  elective  power,  the  people, 

28 


SELECTION    OF   PUBLIC    OFFICEES  29 

should  take  the  necessary  action,  as  they  are  most  vitally  con- 
cerned and  affected  by  the  irregularity. 

Moreover,  all  candidates  should  be  equal  before  the  election 
law,  nor  should  a  candidate  be  the  favorite  or  agent  of  any 
particular  interest.  He  should  not  be  allowed  to  go  further 
than  to  present  his  name  as  an  aspirant  to  the  preferred  office, 
and  should  be  prohibited  going  about  the  community  immod- 
estly proclaiming  his  own  assumed  qualifications  and  decry- 
ing those  of  his  opponents.  When  once  his  name  has  been 
enrolled  among  those  of  the  candidates,  he  should  have  no 
further  action  in  the  matter,  but  should  await  with  patience  the 
decision  of  the  electors. 

N'o  vast  campaign  fund  should  be  allowed,  as  it  only  serves 
to  corrupt  the  elector.  As  the  people  are  seeking  the  officer, 
they  should  defray  all  the  expenses  of  the  election;  and  no 
candidate  should  be  required,  expected,  or  allowed  to  contribute 
toward  such  a  public  expense. 

All  public  elections  should  be  held  by  the  citizen  as  occa- 
sions of  national  sanctity,  and  all  efforts  to  debauch  the  elector, 
or  in  any  manner  to  pollute  the  ballot  or  vitiate  the  election, 
should  be  visited  by  the  severest  punishment,  including  dis- 
franchisement and  a  long  term  of  imprisonment,  or,  better  still, 
by  perpetual  banishment  from  the  nation.  'Ro  punishment  can 
be  considered  too  severe  which  preserves  the  power  and  purity 
of  the  ballot,  since  upon  its  proper  use  hangs  the  life  of  the 
democracy. 


SHOULD  THE  PUBLIC  OFFICER  VOTE 

In  a  great  democracy,  such  as  ours,  where  nearly  a  million 
citizens  are  in  the  government  employ,  great  temptation  exists 
for  these  public  servants  to  combine  their  voting  power  to  main- 
tain their  tenure  of  office,  and  thus  defeat  the  will  of  the  people. 
This  is  in  the  direction  of  a  tyrannous  oligarchy,  and  may  lead 
to  an  autocratic  aristocracy. 

There  should  be  a  national  statute  automatically  disfran- 
chising the  government  officer,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest, 
on  entering  office,  and  reenfranchising  him  on  leaving  it.  The 
temptation  is  entirely  too  great  to  serve  his  own  interests  at 
the  expense  of  the  public.  This  inclination  is  inherent  in  human 
nature.  The  selfish  impulses  of  man  ever  seek  the  ascendency 
over  his  better  qualities.  The  people  have  the  right  to  protect 
themselves  against  this  innate  propensity  of  their  public  serv- 
ants by  depriving  them  during  their  tenure  of  office  of  the  in- 
strument whereby  this  imposition  is  made  possible.  And  to 
this  end  the  people  must  follow  the  line  of  their  own  judg- 
ment. They  must  expect  to  meet  with  energetic  opposition 
from  the  professional  politician  and  his  friends. 

The  protest  against  such  action  on  the  ground  that  the 
citizen  would  be  deprived  of  his  political  rights  is  untenable, 
since  he  may  as  safely  trust  his  interests  with  the  people  as 
they  trust  theirs  with  him. 

In  this  manner  government  policies  would  more  truly  re- 
flect the  will  of  the  people,  and  the  public  servants  be  more 
responsive  to  the  power  which  creates  and  sustains  them. 

The  day  is  probably  not  far  distant  when  the  question  of 
the  nationalization  of  public  utilities  will  come  more  promi- 
nently before  the  people  for  consideration,  and  when  that  time 
arrives  they  will  be  compelled  to  consider  also  the  matter  of 
disfranchising  the  public  servant.  This  must  be  done,  if  they 
expect  to  retain  the  governing  power  in  their  own  hands,  and 
not  surrender  it  to  a  ruling  class. 


30 


THE  INITIATIVE,  REFERENDUM, 
AND  RECALL 

Government  should  ensure  to  the  people,  by  actual  practice, 
the  principle  of  the  Initiative,  Eeferendum,  and  Eecall.  As 
the  people  are  the  repository  of  all  power,  all  national  legisla- 
tion of  importance  should  be  initiated  by  them.  As  they  are 
the  governed,  they  should  demand  the  laws  by  which  they  are 
to  be  governed.  Legislation  by  representative  assemblies  is 
just  and  wise  in  so  far  as  it  meets  the  will  of  the  masses  of  the 
people.  Legislation  which  fails  duly  to  consider  the  inter- 
ests of  all  the  people  is  class  legislation,  and  is  oppressive, 
tyrannical,  and  iniquitous.  All  proposed  national  legislation 
of  important  bearing  should,  before  becoming  a  law,  be  referred 
back  to  the  people  for  their  proper  ratification.  In  this  way, 
the  people  will  become  fully  acquainted  with  the  various  pro- 
posed legislative  measures,  and  will  be  in  a  position  to  accept  or 
reject  the  same  as  their  judgment  may  dictate,  and  thus  be 
saved  much  inconvenience  and  perhaps  injury. 

Correlative  with  the  powers  of  initiative  and  referendum 
should  go  the  power  of  recall.  The  people  should  have  the  power 
to  recall  any  public  servant  who,  for  any  reason,  has  failed  to 
discharge  his  proper  duty  to  them.  In  no  other  way  may  they 
protect  themselves  against  official  corruption,  tyranny,  and  op- 
pression. 'Not  is  this  a  new  principle  injected  into  the  affairs 
of  men.  It  is  one  of  the  commonest  and  most  frequent  prin- 
ciples practiced  in  every-day  business  life.  The  business  man 
would  be  at  a  great  disadvantage  if  he  did  not  possess  the  right 
to  discharge  an  incompetent  or  uncontrollable  employe.  He 
would  thus  be  called  to  suffer  unjust  losses. 


31 


THE  ALLEGIANCE  OF  THE  CITIZEN 

Government  should  compel  a  faithful  allegiance  of  the  cit- 
izen to  his  country;  and  in  case  of  his  refusal  to  comply  with 
this  sacred  duty,  should  deprive  him  of  all  the  rights  and 
privileges  of  citizenship,  and  hanish  him  from  the  confines  of 
the  nation.  There  can  be  no  more  destructive  force  in  a  nation 
than  the  infidelity  of  the  citizen.  To  disregard  the  ideals  of 
the  nation  and  especially  to  ignore  its  appeals  in  its  hour  of 
greatest  peril,  is  to  send  the  fatal  shaft  into  its  vitals.  No 
enemy  could  do  more.  Such  action  of  the  citizen  merits  the 
severest  punishment,  and  when  such  a  citizen  can  not  be  promptly 
deported,  he  should  be  promptly  executed,  especially  when  there 
is  danger  during  war  of  his  escape  and  when  such  escape  may 
be  fatal  to  the  interests  of  his  country.  Such  a  life  has  ceased 
to  be  useful  to  the  nation  in  which  it  exists,  and  should  be 
destroyed  if  not  conveniently  deported;  for  it  is  not  wise  to 
permit  its  continuance  in  the  nation.  What  can  possibly  be 
hoped  for  from  such  a  heartless  ingrate? 

Government,  if  it  hopes  to  preserve  the  State,  must  rigor- 
ously demand  the  most  unfaltering  allegiance  and  fidelity  on 
the  part  of  the  citizen.  Half-hearted  measures  to  remove  such 
disabilities  are  worse  than  useless,  as  they  only  tend  to  en- 
courage the  evil.  Only  the  most  determined,  unflinching,  and 
rigorous  action  will  suffice  to  prevent  national  disaster  from 
such  a  form  of  treason. 


32 


THE    COORDINATION   OF   SUBORDINATE 
GOVERNMENTS 

The  central  government  should  take  the  necessary  steps  to 
secure  the  most  perfect  correlation  and  coordination  of  the 
subordinate  governments  in  the  several  political  divisions  of 
the  nation,  with  a  view  to  bringing  about  the  harmonious 
cooperation  of  all  these  forces  in  the  upbuilding  and  consolida- 
tion of  the  national  citizenship  and  the  development  and  evolu- 
tion of  a  sane  popular  administration  of  public  affairs. 

The  division  of  administrative  responsibility  among  a  plural- 
ity of  independent  governing  units  in  a  nation  is  most  unwise 
and  confusing,  as  it,  of  necessity,  results  in  conflict  of  author- 
ity. The  Articles  of  Confederation  under  which  the  thirteen 
original  colonies  won  their  independence  on  this  continent, 
though  doing  invaluable  service  in  that  struggle,  proved  their 
insufficiency  as  a  permanent  system  of  government,  and  were 
supplanted  by  the  present  national  Constitution  in  which  state 
sovereignty  was  surrendered  to  the  nation,  the  state  reserving 
only  home-rule  authority.  Our  nation  is  not  a  confederacy  but 
a  united  and  consolidated  political  entity.  It  is  not  formed  of 
a  group  of  independent  sovereign  states,  each  retaining  its 
absolute  independence  or  national  sovereignty,  but  of  a  group 
of  states  which  have  surrendered  their  sovereignty  to  a  Union, 
known  as  the  United  States.  This  principle  was  thoroughly 
established  at  the  founding  of  the  present  government,  and, 
though  misunderstood  by  many,  was  again  affirmed  by  the  re- 
sults of  the  unfortunate  conflict  between  the  states,  which  con- 
vulsed the  nation  in  a  deluge  of  passion  for  a  period  of  more 
than  four  years.  The  people  were  thus  disillusioned  of  state 
sovereignty,  since  they  now  conceive  it  impossible  for  two  in- 
dependent sovereignties  to  coexist  side  by  side  in  the  govern- 
ment of  the  same  area.  They  now  know  that  where  there  are 
two  governing  authorities  in  the  same  territory,  one  must  be 
subordinate  to  the  other,  in  other  words,  dependent  upon  the 
other.  In  order  to  harmonize  the  control  of  conflicting  inter- 
ests, the  governing  authority  must  converge  in  one  governing 
8  33 


34  AMEEICAN^    PEHSTCIPLES 

center.  This  should  constitute  the  head,  or  fons  et  origo,  of 
the  legal  authority.  From  this  center  all  legislative  authority, 
direct  or  indirect,  should  proceed,  and  to  this  center  all  ulti- 
mate responsibility  should  be  referred  and  all  ultimate  obedience 
yielded.  Thus,  when  the  state  authority  fails,  the  national 
authority  must  be  paramount.  When  obedience  is  divided 
among  a  plurality  of  independent  governments  in  the  same 
nation,  if  such  a  thing  were  possible,  it  becomes  difficult,  if 
not  impossible,  for  the  public  to  understand  its  full  measure  of 
responsibility.  The  citizen,  on  leaving  one  independent  political 
division  with  whose  laws  he  is  familiar,  at  once,  on  enter- 
ing another,  becomes  subject  to  laws  of  which  he  knows  noth- 
ing. He  is  thus  thrown  into  confusion  and  uncertainty  and 
too  frequently  suffers  a  loss  of  individual  initiative.  He  is 
unduly  restrained  by  his  ignorance  of  the  laws  of  the  various 
political  units,  and  often  gives  up  the  contest  as  hopeless.  He 
is  thus  largely  prevented  from  availing  himself  of  advantageous 
conditions  beyond  the  limits  of  his  own  community,  and  is  com- 
pelled to  confine  his  energies  to  a  less  profitable  environment. 
Furthermore,  such  a  division  or  governing  authority  is  inimical 
to  that  perfect  homogeneity  of  spirit,  which  alone  can  create 
patriotism.  Per  contra,  it  tends  to  a  dangerous  heterogeneity 
of  sentiment,  from  which  spring  indifference  if  not  treason. 

A  healthy  national  patriotism  cannot  spring  from  a  plural- 
ity of  divergent  and  frequently  discordant  independent  govern- 
ing units  in  the  same  nation.  Such  units  must  eventually 
surrender  their  independence  and  sovereignty  to  the  central 
power  and  exist  as  integral  parts  of  one  common  nation.  They 
then  become  so  many  media  of  the  central  power  for  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  whole.  Not  that  the  separate  political  units 
shall  surrender  their  home-rule  authority,  but  that  the  central 
power  becomes  the  authority  of  last  appeal.  In  this  way  these 
several  units  become  the  administrative  instruments  for  apply- 
ing not  only  local  but  national  laws  within  their  respective  con- 
fines. This  means  one  nation,  one  ideal,  and  one  law;  and  all 
focused  upon  one  common  end.  This  is  the  consolidated  nation, 
whose  omnipotence  is  unquestioned  at  home  and  recognized 
abroad,  ready  to  take  its  place  among  the  great  powers  of  the 


COOEDINATION  OP  SUBOEDINATE  GOVEENMENTS  35 

earth  to  safeguard  the  persons  and  interests  of  its  citizens  at 
home  and  in  other  lands,  and  to  favor  and  facilitate  the  develop- 
ment of  the  noblest  civilization  among  mankind. 

A  federation  of  sovereign  states  can  never  compare  in  any 
beneficent  regard  with  a  consolidated  nation.  The  government 
of  the  former  must  be  a  compromise  sanctioned  by  the  sover- 
eign units,  while  that  of  the  nation  expresses  the  will  of  a  united 
people.  In  the  former  the  allegiance  of  the  citizen  is  divided 
between  the  sovereign  unit  and  the  confederacy,  while  in  the 
latter  it  is  yielded  to  one  central  power.  A  centralized  nation 
is  not  adverse  to  the  largest  share  of  popular  liberty.  Nor  is 
a  centralized  government  impossible  in  a  democracy.  A  peo- 
ple, as  well  as  a  monarch,  may  rule  a  centralized  nation.  In 
truth,  such  a  nation  is  safest  in  the  hands  of  the  people,  where 
they  have  received  and  utilize  a  broad  and  liberal  education. 
Ignorance  is  a  menace  alike  to  a  republic  and  a  monarchy. 
The  intelligence  of  the  people  is  the  only  hope  of  either,  when 
it  aims  at  a  just  and  beneficent  administration.  Hence  no 
pains  or  expense  should  be  spared  to  lift  the  people  by  proper 
education  to  the  highest  level  of  intellectual  and  ethical  culture, 
since  it  is  only  thus  that  they  may  be  able  to  efficiently  govern 
themselves. 

The  ideal  government  of  the  future  is  a  strongly  consolidated 
republic,  ruled  by  a  homogeneous  people  highly  educated  in 
both  head  and  heart,  deeply  sensitive  to  the  noblest  impulses  of 
the  race,  and  quickly  responsive  to  the  responsibility  of  safe- 
guarding every  interest  of  the  individual  citizen,  and  promptly 
repressing  his  inherent  imperfections  in  the  interest  of  himself 
and  all  the  community.  But,  by  reason  of  the  above  facts,  it 
must  be  admitted  that  the  ideal  republic  is  the  most  difficult 
of  all  governments  to  maintain. 

But  difficult  as  the  task  appears,  our  Eepublic  aims  at 
nothing  less  than  the  noblest  expression  of  human  government 
yet  achieved.  The  wisdom  and  foresight  of  the  founders  in 
leaving  the  home-rule  authority  in  the  hands  of  the  states  has 
been  fully  confirmed  by  the  course  of  subsequent  events.  The 
steady  expansion  of  our  public  domain,  bringing  into  action 
such  variety  of  climate,  soil,  and  topography,  has  rendered  it 


86  AMEEICAN    PEINCIPLES 

difficult,  if  not  impossible,  for  the  national  government  to  rule 
in  all  the  details  of  these  varied  regions,  as  it  has  done  in  the  very 
limited  District  of  Columbia.  Thus  the  local  government  of 
the  states  has  been  left  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  states,  who 
are  more  intimately  acquainted  with  their  wants  and  require- 
ments than  a  distant  national  Congress  could  possibly  be.  In 
this  manner  the  people  of  each  state  or  political  division  rule 
directly  over  their  affairs,  while  shaping  their  laws  in  full 
accord  with  the  principles  of  the  national  Constitution.  This 
principle,  though  bought  at  such  a  price,  is  at  last  definitely 
established  as  one  of  the  fundamental  truths  of  our  democracy, 
and  contains  the  promise  of  a  still  grander  development. 


NATIONAL  DEFENSE 

So  long  as  might  makes  right  among  nations,  so  long  as 
there  is  no  common  scheme  for  preventing  international  vio- 
lence, such  scheme  taking  the  form  not  of  a  passive  recogni- 
tion of  the  principle  but  a  positive  application  of  it,  so  long 
will  it  be  necessary  for  the  wise  and  provident  State  to  provide 
for  its  defense  against  powerful  and  rapacious  members  in  the 
family  of  nations.  To  this  end,  every  resource  of  the  nation, 
political  and  industrial  as  well  as  military  and  naval,  should 
be  organized  and  prepared  to  do  its  part  in  the  great  cause  of 
national  security  at  the  least  cost  of  time  and  money.  Every 
citizen,  male  and  female,  should  be  trained  and  ready  to  per- 
form the  particular  part  assigned  in  the  conflict  for  national 
preservation. 

This  training  of  the  masses  should  be  had  in  the  public 
schools  and  great  state  universities,  while  the  education  required 
in  the  higher  officers  should  be  afforded  by  the  great  military 
and  naval  academies  broadened  and  enlarged  to  meet  every 
demand.  This  will,  of  course,  cost  the  people,  but  nothing  in 
comparison  with  that  of  life  as  well  as  treasure  should  they 
permit  themselves  to  be  attacked  and  overwhelmed  through  lack 
of  proper  preparation. 

Hand  in  hand  with  this  popular  military  and  industrial 
training  should  go  the  thorough  inculcation  of  the  doctrine  of 
the  blessings  of  peace  and  good-will  among  the  nations  of  the 
earth.  The  pupil  should  be  taught  the  horrors  of  war  and  the 
glory  of  peace,  and  the  necessity  of  avoiding  the  one  and  favor- 
ing the  other  whenever  such  action  is  at  all  possible.  He  should 
be  taught  to  antagonize  offensive  or  aggressive  war,  and  should 
be  instructed  to  favor  war  for  principle  or  defense  only.  He 
should  be  intensively  instructed  in  the  principle  of  interna- 
tional justice,  and  that  right  among  nations  is  as  obligatory 
upon  human  conscience  as  right  among  men;  that  the  nation 
has  no  more  right  to  violate  the  laws  and  precepts  of  ethics 
than  has  the  individual.  In  this  manner  the  military  spirit 
will  be  avoided,  and  the  sentiment  of  patriotism  be  greatly 

37 


38  AMEEICAN    PEINCIPLES 

accentuated.  To  proceed  along  the  path  of  national  develop- 
ment, ignorant  or  disregardful  of  the  perils  which  lurk  along 
the  pathway  of  the  growing  and  enriching  nation,  is  a  gigantic 
error  and  suicidal  folly.  For  the  citizenry  of  a  free  and  in- 
dependent State  to  be  prepared  to  defend  that  State  against 
unjust  invasion  of  its  rights  and  liberties  does  not  mean  ag- 
gressive or  offensive  war,  but  a  sane  and  rational  precaution 
against  national  immolation  upon  the  altar  of  foreign  ambition 
and  greed.  National  defense,  like  individual  self-defense, 
springs  from  the  heart  of  nature. 


PUBLIC  EDUCATION 

If  democracy  is  created  and  sustained  by  the  will  of  the 
people,  its  most  effective  form  must  needs  rest  upon  their  intel- 
ligence. Democracy  based  upon  ignorance  is  impossible.  Its 
successful  survival  must  depend  upon  the  best  education  of 
head  and  heart  its  citizens  are  capable  of  receiving.  Public 
education,  then,  is  one  of  the  most  important  functions  of  the 
democratic  State,  since  upon  it  alone  the  quality  of  the  elector- 
ate must  depend. 

Every  youth  of  the  nation,  male  or  female,  should  be  afford- 
ed at  least  the  rudiments  of  a  liberal  education,  and  all  such 
facilities  should  secure  to  every  one  the  opportunity  to  acquire 
a  liberal  or  advanced  instruction  according  to  the  ability  or 
inclination  of  the  pupil. 

This  training  can  be  best  secured  by  a  uniform  system  with 
its  supervisory  center  at  the  nation's  capital.  This  system 
should  consist  of  elementary  schools  and  universities  in  the 
various  states,  in  the  latter  of  which  vocational  departments 
should  be  established  for  the  proper  preparation  of  the  pupil 
for  the  chosen  field  of  his  future  labor. 

Proper  buildings  and  equipments  should  be  provided  and 
maintained,  but  care  should  be  taken  not  to  develop  by  un- 
necessary ostentation  the  tendency  to  extravagance  in  the  pupil. 
Such  environment  should  inspire  respect  and  admiration  but 
not  the  vulgar  sentiment  of  extravagance. 

As  no  field  of  thought  is  exhausted,  it  should  be  the  duty 
of  the  public  school  and  state  university  to  inculcate  all  the 
principles  of  modern  science,  history,  and  philosophy,  and  to 
encourage  the  student  to  higher  endeavor  and  independent  re- 
search along  all  avenues  of  investigation.  These  educational 
agencies  should  ground  the  pupil  in  all  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciples of  these  several  departments  of  knowledge,  and  leave  it 
to  his  ambition  to  erect  as  he  sees  fit  the  intellectual  fabric 
of  the  future  upon  the  foundations  he  has  thus  laid. 

These  institutions  should  be  compulsory  and  free  to  all,  and 
carefully  guarded  against  the  attacks  of  all  unfriendly  influ- 

39 


40  AMERICAN    PEINCIPLES 

ences.  The  enemy  of  the  public  school  is  the  enemy  of  the 
State.  But  many  so-called  enemies  of  these  institutions  are 
not  enemies  at  all,  but  honest  critics,  who  do  not  desire  their 
destruction  but  their  improvement.  Then,  there  are  other  in- 
fluences which,  though  really  friendly  to  these  institutions, 
nevertheless  selfishly  exploit  them  for  private  gain.  The  public 
schools  should  be  most  jealously  guarded  and  protected  against 
all  such  influences,  especially  against  the  insidious  assaults  of 
partisan  political  rings,  who  only  seek  to  perpetuate  themselves 
in  power  through  the  exploitation  of  favoritism  or  position,  or 
an  ambitious  sectarianism  which  seeks  to  turn  the  young  thought 
of  the  land  into  channels  of  its  own  making,  in  order  thereby 
to  impose  its  own  dictum  upon  the  human  conscience.  No 
more  destructive  or  paralyzing  influence  could  be  injected  into 
public  educational  systems.  Under  such  a  potency,  independent 
thought,  which  is  essential  to  intellectual  and  material  progress, 
is  impossible.  And  yet  in  this  independent  intelligence  lies 
democracy's  only  hope.  The  patriotic  citizen  will,  therefore, 
oppose  to  the  utmost  all  such  pretensions.  But  care  must  be 
taken  not  to  include  among  the  enemies  of  the  public  schools 
any  citizen  or  group  of  citizens  who  earnestly  desire  to  spirit- 
ualize them.  And  this  is  true  whether  the  group  be  sectarian 
or  not.  Such  influence,  so  long  as  it  proposes  to  inculcate  spirit- 
ual truth  or  ethics  and  not  doctrinal  precepts,  cannot  be  regarded 
as  inimical  to  the  public  school. 

Again,  these  institutions  should  be  free  from  hysteria  and 
fanciful  experiment.  The  public  school  is  no  place  for  exper- 
imentation. The  results  of  such  a  course  are  too  calamitous 
to  the  citizen  and  State.  These  educational  agencies  should 
be  peculiarly  sane  in  character  and  conducted  along  the  line 
of  ripe  experience.  To  permit  the  practice  of  all  kinds  of 
hysterical  "fadism"  in  public  educational  systems  is  to  defeat, 
in  large  measure,  the  purpose  for  which  they  have  been  estab- 
lished. Nor  are  they  improved  by  constantly  changing  the  curric- 
ula. The  curriculum  should  be  carefully  selected  in  the  begin- 
ning, and  then  allowed  to  stand  until  such  time  as  it  may  be 
necessary  to  change  in  the  interest  of  progress.  But  to  be  chang- 
ing the  curricula  yearly  or  even  oftener  to  meet  some  selfish  in- 


PUBLIC    EDUCATION  41 

terest,  political  or  otherwise,  is  to  throw  the  young  mind  inj:o 
confusion  from  which  it  emerges  with  difficulty  and  disadvantage. 
Moreover,  such  practices  unjustly  increase  the  financial  burdens 
of  the  pupil,  who  is  thus  compelled  to  purchase  new  educational 
literature  when  his  present  possessions  would  probably  meet  all 
requirements. 

.  Then,  again,  these  institutions  should  be  conducted  by  the 
best  trained  intellects  in  the  land,  both  as  regards  adminis- 
trators and  instructors.  The  State  should  lay  aside  narrow 
parsimony,  and  provide  sufficiently  munificent  salaries  to  com- 
mand this  high  grade  intelligence.  These  instructors  should  also 
be  pensioned,  so  as  to  remove  as  far  as  possible  any  apprehension 
regarding  their  future  maintenance.  They  should  possess  not 
only  trained  minds  but  the  most  exalted  characters.  The  blind 
cannot  intelligently  or  safely  lead  the  blind.  [N'either  can  a 
deformed  and  distorted  nature  properly  teach  the  young.  These 
teachers  should  not  only  inculcate  the  curricula  of  their  respec- 
tive departments,  but  should  zealously  cooperate  with  home  in- 
fluences in  broadening  and  developing  the  ethical  nature  of 
the  pupil.  For  no  pupil  can  be  properly  educated  when  either 
the  intellect  or  spirit  is  neglected.  The  head  and  heart  must 
be  cultivated  together.  ISTo  State  can  long  survive  the  evil 
results  of  educating  the  head  and  neglecting  the  heart.  In  the 
one  case,  it  produces  a  shrewd  scoundrel,  in  the  other,  a  pious 
do-nothing.  In  the  true  and  faithful  citizen,  both  must  be 
developed.  No  citizenship  can  or  will  be  patriotic  which  ignores 
the  promptings  of  the  spirit.  The  nation  is  doomed  whose 
citizenship  repudiates  divine  truth  and  over  which  the  god 
of  Mammon  reigns  supreme.  In  such  a  nation  the  dictates 
of  an  insatiable  greed  sooner  or  later  stifles  the  holiest  senti- 
ments of  the  heart,  and  hurries  the  citizen  on  from  misde- 
meanor to  crime,  until  all  respect  for  law  is  lost,  and  all 
patriotism  has  departed.  The  nation  then  becomes  a  lawless 
mob,  in  which  all  restraint  is  gone,  and  which  only  awaits  the 
auspicious  moment  to  burst  forth  in  a  disastrous  conflagra- 
tion, involving  all,  good  and  evil  alike,  in  a  common  destruc- 
tion. 

The  ethical  training  of  the  child  can  only  be  derived  from 


42  AMEEICAN    PEHSTCIPLES 

two  secular  sources,  the  home  and  the  public  school.  No  sane 
man  will  question  the  great  work  done  by  the  Church,  but  we 
are  now  speaking  of  secular  education,  and  must  not  invade 
the  theological  field.  This  ethical  training  of  the  child  is  the 
sine  qua  non  of  democratic  hope.  Its  absence  in  the  child  is 
the  prelude  to  adult  failure.  It  is  the  strongest  pillar  of  the 
State.  The  earliest  and  most  lasting  ethical  impressions  are 
received  at  the  maternal  knee  where  the  child  goes  at  nightfall 
to  perform  the  last  and  noblest  duty  of  the  passing  day.  The 
pure  and  holy  lessons  inculcated  here  are  never  entirely  eradi- 
cated from  youthful  memory  and  serve  as  a  wholesome  inspira- 
tion and  unfailing  guide  throughout  the  young  life.  How 
important,  then,  that  the  mother  should  properly  appreciate 
her  responsibilities  in  this  regard !  And  how  unfortunate  when 
she  neglects  this  noble  privilege  in  her  haste  to  attend  the 
fashionable  functions  of  the  hour !  The  American  mother  can- 
not be  unmindful  of  the  duties  she  owes  to  her  offspring, 
herself,  and  her  country.  She  may  not  disregard  these  sacred 
responsibilities,  and  hope  to  escape  the  just  censure  of  poster- 
ity.   Nemesis  is  never  distanced  in  the  race. 

Many  have  objected  to  the  ethical  training  of  the  child 
in  the  public  school,  because  of  an  apprehension  of  the  possi- 
bility of  distorting  its  peculiar  religious  faith.  This  fear  would 
be  well  founded  if  the  inculcation  of  doctrinal  dogma  were 
permitted.  But  this  is  just  what  we  have  warned  against. 
Sectarianism,  under  no  circumstances,  should  be  injected  into 
these  institutions,  but  the  great  principles  of  the  Decalogue, 
clothed  in  language  sanctioned  by  the  consensus  of  present- 
day  religious  thought,  should  be  made  the  foundation  of  the 
pupiFs  ethical  life.  No  creed  or  sect  could  reasonably  object 
to  these  principles,  containing  as  they  do  the  very  essence  of 
ethical  philosophy.  Where  shall  we  go  to  find  better  guides 
to  personal  conduct?  Why  cannot  the  various  religious  bodies 
in  the  nation  unite  in  producing  a  text  of  these  guiding  prin- 
ciples which  may  be  safely  included  in  the  curricula  of  these 
public  educational  institutions?  Is  it  possible  that  human 
prejudice  has  surmounted  human  reason?  Such  training  in 
the  public  school  would  greatly  assist  the  home  in  laying  the 


PUBLIC    EDUCATION  43 

foundation  of  a  correct  and  upright  character  in  the  child, 
upon  which  the  nation  must  forever  repose  its  chief  hope  of 
continued  benefaction,  and  even  of  its  existence. 

Only  the  unselfish  cooperation  of  all  educational  agencies, 
aided  by  ample  appropriations  to  meet  all  requirements,  will 
ultimately  unify  our  people,  and  lift  them  into  that  intellec- 
tual and  ethical  atmosphere  where  advanced  democracy  is  pos- 
sible. By  some  such  system  only  may  each  prospective  citizen 
be  best  taught  to  serve  himself  and  his  country. 

It  therefore  behooves  every  people  who  love  justice  and 
liberty  to  guard  with  sleepless  vigilance  their  systems  of  public 
instruction  wherein  the  youth  of  the  land  is  prepared  for  a 
useful  and  independent  citizenship.  Neglect  to  perform  this 
sacred  duty  is  followed  by  an  inexorable  retribution  in  which 
all  that  is  most  dear  to  a  free  and  liberty-loving  people  is  lost. 
The  wise  citizen,  then,  will  guard  the  public  schools,  as  the  bul- 
warks of  his  liberty,  against  all  influences  which  may  surrep- 
titiously rob  them  of  their  due  power  and  efficiency  in  the  work 
of  national  development.  Thus  only  may  our  constitutional 
principles  be  perpetuated. 


THE  EDUCATIONAL  VALUE  OF  THE 
FINE  ARTS 

Art  is  the  portrayal  of  the  beautiful  and  good  in  form,  color 
and  sound,  and  cannot  be  neglected  by  the  State,  especially  the 
democracy,  without  failure  in  one  branch  of  its  system  of 
popular  education.  The  true  democracy  must  educate  its  citi- 
zen in  all  that  makes  for  true  manhood.  This  education  must 
not  only  take  cognizance  of  his  material  advancement,  not 
only  prepare  him  for  a  useful  life  in  the  community,  but  must 
develop  him  for  the  noblest  existence.  The  State  must  thor- 
oughly develop,  and  maintain  the  normal  balance  of,  all  three 
principles  of  his  nature — the  physical,  the  mental  and  the  spirit- 
ual; and  it  distorts  his  life  in  the  proportion  that  it  fails  to 
do  so. 

It  is  true  that  sculpture,  painting  and  drawing  are  not 
positive  forces  of  progress,  •  but  merely  depict  the  beauty  and 
grace  of  the  physical  domicile  of  the  soul  and  show  the  play 
of  its  emotions  therein.  The  products  of  these  arts  are  but 
the  symbols  of  the  creative  activities  of  the  soul  and  can  act 
only  as  facile  suggestions  to  the  inquisitive  mind. 

It  is  left  to  the  gymnasium  and  the  sanitarian  to  foster  the 
development  of  the  most  perfect  expression  of  the  physical 
body.  A  gymnasium  should  be  attached  to  every  school  and 
college  of  the  nation,  and  proper  exercise  provided  to  meet  the 
fullest  demands  of  the  growing  youth ;  but  care  should  be  taken 
not  to  brutalize  the  young  by  excessive  physical  development,  or 
overstrain  the  musculature  by  too  arduous  practice.  Each 
youth  varies  from  every  other  in  the  character  and  amount  of 
exercise  required  for  normal  development,  and  hence  exercise 
should,  in  every  case,  be  adjusted  by  competent  medical  advice, 
and  related  to  every  stage  of  young  life;  and  it  should  be  con- 
stantly impressed  upon  the  mind  of  the  participant  that  the 
real  purpose  of  human  life  in  all  its  phases  is  identical  with 
the  teleological  purpose  of  the  State  and  world — ^to  achieve  the 
highest  possible  good — ^to  expand  and  strengthen  the  faculties 
of  the  soul — ^that  the  purpose  of  physical  exercise  is  not  only  to 

44 


EDUCATIONAL   VALUE    OF   THE    PINE   AETS  45 

secure  strength  for  a  useful  life  in  the  community,  but  also  to 
favor  the  highest  potency  of  the  soul. 

While  this  physical  exercise  is  in  progress,  sculpture,  paint- 
ing and  drawing  should  lend  their  aid  by  furnishing  the  best 
models  for  guidance  and  the  most  active  incentives  to  continued 
effort.  Not  only  do  these  arts  do  this,  but  they  also  reflect 
the  beauty  and  redolence  of  the  spiritual  emotions.  They  ex- 
hibit a  blending  of  the  physical,  mental,  and  spiritual  attri- 
butes of  the  subject  that  inspire  the  mind  of  youth  and  lead 
toward  a  better  life.  But  this,  of  course,  depends  upon  the 
motive  of  the  artist.  The  portrayal  of  the  baser  instincts  of 
human  nature  can  never  elevate  or  refine  thought;  only  that 
of  the  nobler  emotions  will  expand  and  strengthen  the  spirit- 
ual faculties.  The  State  must,  therefore,  use  due  precaution 
in  the  selection  of  these  works  of  art  if  they  are  expected  to 
refine  the  higher  nature  of  the  citizen.  It  should  secure  only 
the  works  of  the  masters,  or  their  reproductions,  and  place 
them  in  suitable  museums  where  they  will  be  accessible  to  the 
greatest  number  of  the  citizens.  The  State  would  be  at  some 
expense  to  place  these  works  of  art  in  accessible  places  for  popu- 
lar exhibition,  but  the  good  achieved  would  far  outweigh  the 
cost.  Where  marble  and  bronze  are  too  expensive,  plaster  casts 
will  serve  the  purpose  until  the  public  treasury  shall  be  able 
to  bear  the  burden  of  better  material. 

All  advanced  classes  of  the  public  schools  and  colleges  should 
be  required  to  make  regular  visits  to  these  museums  under  the 
conduct  of  competent  art  instructors  who  should  point  out 
the  several  phases  of  excellence  of  each  piece,  and  inculcate 
the  beauty  and  ethics  of  each  master^s  work.  The  attendance 
at  these  art  lectures  should  be  compulsory  in  all  cases,  and  the 
lecturer  should  be  required  to  make  special  effort  to  inspire  in 
the  pupil  the  sentiments  and  emotions  of  the  artist.  Such 
faithful  endeavors  cannot  fail  to  add  to  the  mental  culture 
and  spiritual  refinement  of  the  citizen. 

Closely  allied  with  the  sculptor,  painter  and  draftsman  is 
the  architect.  The  work  of  this  artist  is  unsurpassed  in  splen- 
dor and  impressive  grandeur.  Architecture  is  the  concrete 
expression  of   civilization — of  the  history,   science,   literature. 


46  AMEEICAN    PEINCIPLES 

philosophy  and  religion  of  the  past  ages.  It  is  multum  in 
parvo.  It  springs  from  the  complexity  of  all  human  achieve- 
ment. Unnumbered  centuries  look  down  from  its  templed 
heights,  telling  of  the  vicissitudes  and  fortunes  of  countless 
races  which  have  long  since  vanished  into  the  final  gloom,  each 
bequeathing  to  its  successor  the  fruits  of  its  labors.  It  sym- 
bolizes the  beauty  of  the  physical,  the  nobility  of  the  mental, 
and  the  sublimity  of  the  spiritual  phases  nature.  It  is  an  ex- 
pression of  the  blending,  of  the  world's  thought  and  feeling. 
Generation  after  generation  of  the  races  which  have  gone  before 
has  written  on  chiseled  and  polished  stone  the  story  of  its  joys 
and  sorrows,  of  its  successes  and  failures,  of  its  hopes  and 
despairs — of  its  material  impressions  and  spiritual  inspira- 
tions— in  proclamation  of  the  glory  of  human  destiny  and  of 
the  majesty  of  the  Deity.  Every  scientific  fact  carved  out  by 
years  of  painful  research,  the  essence  of  every  racial  tradition, 
the  lofty  thought  woven  by  the  tireless  brain,  the  beautiful  sen- 
timent spun  from  the  poet's  fancy,  and  the  sublime  emotions 
prompted  by  spiritual  devotions,  all  find  their  concrete  expres- 
sions, or  materializations,  in  the  noble  edifice  which  towers 
above  us.  Everywhere  these  great  works  of  human  genius, 
ancient  and  modern,  rise  in  imposing  grandeur.  On  the  hill- 
sides, in  the  river  valleys,  and  on  the  desert  plains,  of  the  world 
their  ancient  ruins,  now,  in  many  instances,  the  home  of  the 
jackal  and  the  bittern,  whisper  through  their  silent  corridors 
the  truth  of  man's  past  renown;  while  their  modern  represen- 
tatives in  every  great  city  of  the  civilized  world  lift  their  im- 
posing spires  and  domes  in  exhibition  of  his  unequaled  great- 
ness. The  palace  of  the  king,  the  official  home  of  the  State, 
and  the  temples  erected  in  worship  of  the  Deity,  all  require 
the  highest  material,  mental  and  spiritual  faculties  of  man  and 
in  their  construction  manifest  his  God-given  power. 

How  is  it  possible,  then,  for  the  popular  mind  to  escape  the 
wonderful  and  awe-inspiring  influence  of  architecture?  As  in- 
different as  we  appear  to  be  to  these  great  monuments,  we  can- 
not evade  the  power  of  their  persuasions.  We  stand  over- 
whelmed in  the  presence  of  these  massive  creations  of  inspired 
genius,  and  are  irresistibly  led  into  the  contemplation  of  the 


EDUCATIOISrAL   VALUE    OF    THE    FINE    AETS  47 

great,  the  powerful  and  the  good.  Nor  can  we  fail  to  arrive  at 
the  conviction  that  it  is  through  such  exalted  reflections  we 
may  at  last  reach  the  great  truth  in  human  destiny  and  in  the 
Divine  purpose  in  the  world.  We  shall  thus  be  forced  to  ac- 
cept the  logical  conclusion  that  the  purpose  of  the  true  demo- 
cratic State  in  its  relations  to  human  destiny  must  be  identical 
with  that  of  Divinity — the  accomplishment  of  the  highest  pos- 
sible good  in  human  nature. 

In  view  of  these  indisputable  facts,  it  must  be  clear  that 
it  is  a  most  important  duty  of  the  democracy  to  encourage  its 
citizens  to  utilize  the  most  beautiful  and  attractive  styles  of 
architecture  in  the  construction  of  their  homes,  so  as  to  blend 
these  two  qualities  in  the  domiciles  of  their  sacred  family  rela- 
tions. Even  the  humblest  abode  may  not  ignore  this  natural 
demand  without  inflicting  injustice  upon  its  youthful  inmates. 
Even  here  an  earnest  effort  must  be  made  to  make  these  homes 
as  attractive  as  the  owner^s  means  will  permit. 

Nor  should  the  business  building  fail  in  this  regard.  In 
many  nations  utility  has  entirely  supplanted  esthetics  in  the 
erection  of  such  structures.  The  building  of  unlimited  height, 
with  nothing  else  to  recommend  it,  may  indicate  and  portray 
the  crude  boldness  and  unrestrained  audacity  of  the  architect 
but  never  his  artistic  taste.  This  is  a  great  and  inexcus- 
able error  and  meets  its  own  retribution.  Business  processes 
in  a  beautiful  building  will  always  enjoy  advantages  over  those 
housed  in  unattractive  edifices.  The  business  man  cannot  with- 
out loss  ignore  the  just  demands  of  human  psychology.  Such 
buildings  need  not  be  large  and  expensive  to  be  beautiful,  but 
money  spent  to  develop  the  esthetic  taste  of  the  employe  and 
patron  can  never  go  awry.  Where  it  is  necessary,  utility  should 
be  sacrificed  in  a  measure  to  esthetics  in  the  erection  of  these 
structures. 

In  the  case  of  the  public  building,  even  greater  attention 
to  architectural  splendor  should  be  given.  No  expense  should 
be  spared  to  make  them  as  beautiful  and  imposing  as  art  can 
render  them.  While  the  public  edifice  is  primarily  constructed 
for  useful  purposes,  its  impressiveness  should,  under  no  cir- 
cumstances, be  forgotten.     The  State  should  not  be  niggardly 


48  AMERICAN    PEINCIPLES 

in  this  regard.  It  should  never  construct  an  unattractive 
building  in  its  effort  to  economize.  If  it  has  not  sufficient  funds 
available  to  erect  an  imposing  structure,  it  should  defer  the 
enterprise  till  some  future  date.  The  citizen  must  be  able  to 
admire  as  well  as  respect  the  house  of  liberty.  But  he  will 
fail  in  this  respect,  if  his  emotions  are  not  called  forth  by  the 
grandeur  and  magnificence  of  the  public's  home.  All  such 
buildings  should  be  so  constructed  and  so  located  as  to  be  objects 
of  inspiring  contemplation  and  sources  of  the  noblest  impulses. 

It  follows  from  what  has  been  said  in  the  foregoing  para- 
graphs that  a  squalid  architecture  has  no  place  in  a  progressive 
democracy.  It  not  only  fails  to  elevate  the  citizen,  but  depresses 
his  spirit  and  represses  his  higher  emotions.  And  if  it  does 
not  elevate  his  ideals,  then  does  it  lower  them  and  in  this  pro- 
portion leads  away  from  the  real  purposes  of  true  Democracy. 
Such  degenerate  examples  of  a  noble  art  should  be  emphatically 
discouraged  by  an  aspiring  public. 

Thus,  if  the  adult  citizen  is  edified  and  lifted  up  by  a  mag- 
nificent architecture,  it  is  certain  the  impressible  youth  will 
be  more  deeply  affected  by  it.  The  advanced  classes  of  all 
public  educational  systems  should  be  required  to  make  regular 
visits  to  the  great  public  buildings  in  the  vicinity,  under  the 
guidance  of  competent  instructors  who  should  point  out  the 
beauty  and  splendor  of  these  buildings,  and  teach  the  principles 
of  which  they  are  composed  and  differentiated.  And  not  only 
should  the  different  styles  of  architecture  be  described,  but  the 
precepts  involved  in  their  grand  truths  should  be  intensively 
inculcated.  In  this  way,  the  mental  and  spiritual  horizons  of 
the  citizen  will  be  broadened,  and  the  youth  led  toward  the  haven 
of  a  better  life. 

We  come  now  to  the  consideration  of  another  expression  of 
art,  which  is  powerful  to  arouse  the  inner  emotions.  Music  is 
a  concord  of  sound  that  appeals  strongly  to  the  feelings  and 
emotions  of  human  nature.  Its  strains  vibrate  through  all  the 
three  principles  of  man,  and  may  arouse  his  basest  appetites 
or  stimulate  his  noblest  virtues,  according  to  the  motive  of  the 
artist.  It  appeals  to  the  citizen  especially  in  his  leisure  hour, 
and  thus  paves  the  way  to  the  loftiest  contemplation.     But 


EDUCATIONAL   VALUE    OP   THE    FINE   AETS  49 

the  truth  inspired  by  music  is  identical  with  that  inculcated  by 
the  other  arts.  By  sculpture,  painting,  drawing,  and  architec- 
ture, we  see  the  world  is  good;  by  music,  we  hear  the  world  is 
good.  The  truths  of  the  first  four  arts  are  shadowed  to  us  in 
the  visible  garments  of  the  grosser  matter,  while  those  of  music 
are  imaged  to  us  in  the  intangible  vibrations  of  the  subtler  ele- 
ments. The  harmony  of  sound,  producing  music,  springs  from 
the  Divine  law  and  leads  to  a  contemplation  of  its  infinite 
source.  Herein  resides  the  true  value  of  music.  It  leads  us 
along  many  various  paths  to  the  gardens  of  the  infinite.  By 
one  strain,  we  are  led  back  to  the  ways  of  childhood,  to  the 
green  meadows,  the  sloping  hills,  the  gentle  woodlands  with  their 
chirping  birds,  to  the  rippling  brook,  the  fruited  field,  the 
home  and  fireside  where  at  even-tide  we  were  wont  to  gather 
around  the  hearth-stone  and  maternal  knee  to  offer  up  our  sacred 
devotions.  By  its  influence  we  are  induced  to  live  again  these 
sacred  memories  and  to  feel  again  the  gentle  touch  of  these 
hallowed  associations.  Another  stirs  the  soul^s  sympathy,  and 
we  weep  over  the  misfortunes  of  others.  Another,  still,  por- 
trays the  horrors  of  the  raging  storm,  and  causes  us  to  tremble 
in  the  presence  of  Nature's  omnipotence.  Still  another  images 
forth  the  fury  of  battle,  the  roar  of  artillery,  the  din  of  mus- 
ketry, the  groans  of  the  dying,  and  causes  us  to  turn  with  horror 
from  the  awful  carnage  of  war.  Another  whispers  to  us  of  the 
tender  impulses  of  friendship  and  fraternal  devotion,  while  the 
classic  strains  vibrate  the  grand  and  sublime  truths  of  Divinity 
— of  the  mysterious  and  ineffable  wisdom  and  glory  of  the 
Creator  and  His  purposes  in  making  the  world.  It  is  the 
power  of  music  to  call  forth  such  a  diversity  of  passion  and 
emotion  in  the  soul  that  gives  to  it  its  educational  value. 

But  as  music  may  arouse  the  nobler  emotions  of  the  soul,  so 
it  may  excite  the  ignoble  passions  of  human  nature.  This 
power  must  also  be  referred  to  the  motive  of  the  artist.  It  thus 
becomes  the  duty  of  the  State  to  provide  the  very  best  character 
of  music  for  the  entertainment  of  its  citizens.  This  music 
should  be  daily  discoursed  at  a  convenient  place  and  at  an  hour 
when  the  people  are  at  leisure,  and  should  consist  of  such  com- 
positions as  are  elevating,  pleasing  and  restful.    The  baser  pro- 


60  AMEEICAN"    PEINCIPLES 

ductions  should,  under  no  circumstances,  be  rendered.  What 
the  "shimmy"  is  to  the  eye,  the  "jazz"  is  to  the  ear.  Both  out- 
rage the  senses  and  corrupt  the  soul.  A  State  is  inexcusably 
neglectful  which  allows  the  culture  of  its  people  to  be  poisoned 
at  its  source.  It  only  sets  the  trigger  to  destroy  its  own  life. 
In  view  of  the  foregoing  facts,  it  follows  that  the  Democracy 
should  use  the  full  educational  value  of  all  the  fine  arts  in  the 
cultivation  of  the  highest  faculties  of  the  citizen,  to  the  end  that 
his  ennobled  capacities  may  be  constantly  at  his  country's  serv- 
ice. A  people  imbued  with  the  lofty  spirit  of  the  fine  arts  will 
not  suffer  itself  to  lapse  into  the  vortex  of  vulgar  extravagance 
or  a  crude  sensuous  luxury,  which  will  be  fatal  to  every  sacred 
impulse  of  humanity,  but  will  reach  up  to  the  purer  realities 
and  purposes  of  its  existence,  and  will  express  this  idealism  in 
the  direction  of  its  government. 


SCHOOLS  FOE  THE  MENTAL 
DEFECTIVES 

The  reformatories  assume  control  of  one  class  of  defectives, 
the  moral  delinquents,  but  there  should  be  institutions  also  for 
the  education  and  development  of  the  mental  delinquents.  Much 
can  be  accomplished  by  proper  management  in  creating  a  use- 
ful citizen  out  of  what  we  call  the  mental  defective.  Many 
of  these  citizens  are  really  not  defective  at  all,  but  have  been 
badly  managed  at  home  or  at  school.  They  deserve  the  special 
consideration  of  an  advanced  State,  if  that  State  desires  to 
utilize  in  its  progress  all  the  physical,  mental,  and  spiritual 
energy  of  its  citizen. 

Such  institutions,  properly  constructed,  neatly  equipped, 
and  skillfully  and  intelligently  conducted,  would  raise  into  a 
useful  life  many  a  defective  now  deemed  hopeless.  To  neglect 
or  cast  off  the  defective  as  worthless,  without  an  effort  toward 
his  development,  is  no  part  of  the  duty  of  a  wise  and  progres- 
sive State.  Per  contra,  it  is  overwhelming  and  convincing  proof 
of  its  woeful  lack  of  progressive  thought.  The  aspiring  and 
broadening  State  should  exert  itself,  by  all  logical  means,  to 
preserve  and  develop  its  unfortunate  citizen,  already  greatly 
handicapped  by  his  disability,  and,  by  educating  and  calling 
forth  what  of  genius  he  or  she  possesses,  create  for  them  a  use- 
ful place  in  society. 

This  responsibility  appears  to  be  augmented  when  we  reflect 
that  the  State,  in  many  instances,  has  largely  contributed  to 
the  citizen^s  misfortune  by  neglecting  to  throw  about  his  early 
youth  those  wholesome  environments  so  essential  to  his  normal 
growth.  It  has  been  shamefully  indifferent  to  the  conditions 
surrounding  the  early  life  of  its  prospective  citizen,  and  has 
allowed  unfavorable  influences  to  stifle  the  rise  and  development 
of  those  qualities  which  alone  could  guarantee  his  future.  Let 
the  State,  then,  make  amends,  if  such  is  possible,  by  endeavoring 
to  ameliorate  the  calamity  it  has  brought  about.  Let  it  go 
earnestly  to  work  to  improve  the  life  of  these  unfortunates 
through  their  better  education  and  preparation  for  useful  life. 

51 


52  AMERICAN    PETNCIPLES 

Let  it  establish  proper  schools,  presided  over  by  competent  ex- 
perts whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  study  the  individual  cases  with 
a  view  to  applying  the  corrective  treatment.  In  this  manner, 
the  State  may,  in  a  measure,  add  to  the  comfort  of  its  neg- 
lected citizen ;  but  no  amount  of  pains  or  expense  can  ever  fully 
remove  the  opprobrium  under  which  it  labors. 

Proper  medical  service  and  religious  observance  should  be 
provided,  but  under  no  circumstances  should  one  ecclesiastical 
body  be  favored  at  the  expense  of  another.  All  religious  creeds 
should  be  admitted  to  service  in  these  institutions  on  an  equal 
footing.  This  is  the  only  method  of  conferring  the  necessary 
religious  consolation  upon  all  inmates  alike. 


POLYTECHNIC  EDUCATION 

The  State  should  establish  and  maintain  polytechnic  schools 
for  the  industrial  education  of  its  citizens.  Not  every  youth 
cares  to  be  an  educator  or  professional  man,  and  yet  every  one 
should  be  educated  in  some  useful  vocation.  The  best  and  most 
skillful  work  in  any  department  of  human  labor  can  be  secured 
only  through  education  in  that  special  field.  The  day  appears 
to  be  past  when  untrained  and  uneducated  labor  was  consid- 
ered all  sufficient.  The  day  has  arrived  when  the  workman 
must  show  trained  skill.  He  must  show  that  he  has  been  spe- 
cially educated  to  perform  his  task.  He  must  show  that  he  not 
only  possesses  the  practical  experience,  but  also  the  scientific 
knowledge  required  in  the  execution  of  his  work.  He  must, 
in  other  words,  be  a  scientific  operator. 

It  is  the  duty  of  the  State,  then,  to  establish  polytechnic 
schools  where  the  prospective  workman  may  acquire  both  the 
science  and  operative  skill  requisite  to  his  success.  Not  only 
will  the  citizen  profit  thereby,  but  the  State  will  be  aided  in  its 
great  task  of  advancing  civilization.  The  State,  therefore,  owes 
it  both  to  itself  and  its  citizen  to  develop  his  efficiency  to  the 
highest  degree  possible,  compatible  with  his  native  talent. 

It  would  seem  that  these  industrial  schools  could  be  best  at- 
tached to  the  state  universities  where  all  other  auxiliary  in- 
struction would  be  easily  accessible,  but  this  matter  should  be 
left  to  the  sound  judgment  of  those  who  have  such  education 
in  charge. 

In  some  of  our  states,  sporadic  efforts  have  been  made  along 
these  lines,  and  some  good  and  efficient  institutions  have  risen 
in  obedience  to  this  urgent  need  of  the  times ;  but  these  are  but 
weak  examples  of  what  these  institutions,  under^  nationalization, 
will  be  when  the  public  mind  becomes  fully  aroused  to  the  neces- 
sity. 


53 


EELIGIOUS  LIBEETY 

As  under  the  demands  of  Divine  Government  every  man 
is  made  individually  responsible  for  his  own  acts,  so  he  has  the 
inalienable  right  to  worship  an  all-wise  Providence  according 
to  the  dictates  of  his  own  conscience  and  his  own  concept  of 
duty  to  his  Maker,  without  the  intervention  of  any  other  di- 
recting force.  This  is  a  most  sacred  and  inviolable  privilege  and 
must,  under  no  circumstances,  be  assaulted,  so  long  as  he  keeps 
it  within  the  holy  precincts  of  his  hearth  and  altar.  But  should 
he  unwisely  hurl  this  noble  individual. concept  into  public  life — ' 
into  the  public  hustings — among  all  other  public  questions,  he 
must  expect  it  to  be  fearlessly  and  freely  discussed  as  any  other 
public  question.  If  he  desires  to  keep  his  religious  belief  an 
entirely  sacred  and  private  matter,  he  must  confine  it,  where 
it  naturally  belongs,  to  his  own  home  and  church.  He  may  not 
inject  it  into  public  questions,  and  expect  others  to  hold  aloof 
from  its  discussion.  It  will  and  should  become  a  just  subject 
for  public  debate. 

Holy  Writ,  which  is  intended  to  be  a  guide  to  Man's  faith 
and  practice,  and  the  precepts  of  Nature  revealed  through  a 
philosophical  study  of  the  universe,  constitute  the  only  sources 
of  man's  spiritual  inspiration,  and  to  these  he  must  tenaciously 
cling.  No  man  or  system  has  any  right  to  intervene  in  his 
sacred  reflections,  but  must  leave  him  to  his  own  meditations. 
Only  encouragement  may  be  offered  him  in  his  great  search  for 
truth.  He  alone  must  find  it.  Hence,  the  efforts  of  ecclesiastical 
systems  to  control  the  policies  of  the  State,  with  a  view  to  the 
ultimate  dictation  of  the  religious  belief  of  the  citizen,  is  un- 
wise, unjust,  and  unethical,  and,  in  the  very  nature  of  things, 
contrary  to  the  mandates  of  Divine  Government. 

It  is  the  great  and  important  function  of  the  Church  to 
assist  the  citizen  in  his  study  of  Holy  Writ,  in  order  that  thereby 
he  may  come  into  a  deeper  appreciation  of  the  great  underlying 
truth  of  human  life  and,  in  consequence,  quicken  and  strengthen 
his  conscience  in  his  personal  and  public  life.  Under  no  cir- 
cumstances, should  it  attempt  to  impose  its  dictum.     It  may 

54 


EELIGIOUS   LIBEETY  55 

run  counter  to  his  own  convictions ;  and  these  alone  must  direct 
his  life. 

The  citizen  of  the  democracy  has  a  right  to  religious  liberty. 
It  is  the  duty  of  the  government  to  energetically  oppose  all 
such  attacks  upon  the  citizen^s  religious  liberty  and  to  secure 
to  him  perfect  freedom  of  worship,  so  long  as  such  worship 
does  not  contravene  the  established  and  universally  recognized 
principles  of  ethical  intuition  and  thus  tend  to  subvert  the  pub- 
lic tone  and  welfare.  It  should  resent  with  undisguised  severity 
any  effort  of  ecclesiasticism  to  interfere  in  the  affairs  of  the 
people  with  a  view  to  demanding  their  first  allegiance  to  the 
Church  rather  than  to  the  State.  It  should  unequivocally  re- 
pulse such  action  as  unjust,  meddlesome,  and  malicious,  since 
it  strikes  at  the  very  foundation  of  the  citizen's  inborn  rights 
and  liberties.  To  these  baneful  tendencies,  when  they  unfortu- 
nately arise  in  the  course  of  national  life,  the  wise  and  dutiful 
citizen  cannot  be  indifferent  without  nullifying  the  importance 
of  his  franchise. 


PUBLIC  EEVENUES 

The  expense  incidental  to  collective  life  can  only  be  met 
through  a  system  of  equitable  taxation,  direct  or  indirect.  No 
other  just  and  fair  method  is  at  the  government's  disposal. 
As  direct  taxation  comes  more  immediately  under  the  public 
notice  and  is  therefore  more  likely  to  be  unpopular,  great  cau- 
tion should  be  exercised  in  its  imposition  and  collection.  It 
should  be  based  upon  a  just  and  equable  assessment  fixed  with 
due  regard  to  all  interests  concerned,  and  honestly  and  promptly 
collected.  Partiality  in  the  assessment  and  collection  of  taxes 
begets  popular  discontent  and  finally  leads  to  a  rebellious  spirit. 
All  interests,  great  and  small,  secular  and  ecclesiastical,  should 
be  compelled  to  bear  their  due  share  of  the  public  expense. 
No  industry,  except  the  publicly  owned  utility,  should  be  exempt 
from  a  fair  system  of  taxation.  To  tax  one  industry  or  interest 
and  exempt  another  is  to  unfairly  distribute  the  burdens  of 
State,  and  enables  one  interest  to  accumulate  wealth  at  the  ex- 
pense of  another.  The  same  rigorous  rule  of  justice  should 
apply  in  all  cases,  as  impartially  to  ecclesiastical  as  to  secular 
interests.  Eeference  is  here  made  not  to  the  immediate  church 
property,  but  to  its  collateral  possessions,  which  in  many  instances 
are  large  profit  yielders.  Ecclesiasticism  cannot,  with  fairness 
to  itself,  claim  exemption  from  an  equitable  taxation.  It  thus 
imposes  more  onerous  burdens  upon  less  favored  interests,  those, 
too,  perhaps,  least  able  to  bear  them.  Such  claims  are  clearly 
unjust  and  out  of  harmony  with  the  Divine  Law.  There  can 
be  no  saving  charity  in  increasing  the  burdens  of  others,  in  order 
to  lighten  one's  own;  and  such  an  effort  is  especially  reprehen- 
sible in  ecclesiastical  institutions  whose  chief  aspirations  are  ex- 
pected to  be  the  easing  or  lifting  of  the  cares  and  obstacles  from 
the  pathway  of  man  as  he  struggles  onward  toward  his  ultimate 
redemption. 

The  same  may  be  said  regarding  the  properties  of  fraternal 
organizations.  Why  should  these  possessions  be  exempt  from 
their  due  share  of  the  public  burdens  ?  Are  not  these  properties, 
like  church  properties,  the  possessions  of  certain  groups  of  citi- 

56 


PUBLIC   EEVENUES  57 

zens,  who  own  them  for  their  peculiar  advantage?  These  par- 
ticular properties  are  those  of  special  social  or  philosophic  cults 
or  religious  beliefs  and  cannot  be  regarded  as  public  utilities 
in  the  strict  sense  of  the  term ;  and  as  they  are  not  public  utili- 
ties they  should  be  made  to  share  in  the  public  expense.  To 
exempt  these  various  properties^  which  are  intended  to  serve 
primarily  group  interests,  savors  of  class  legislation,  and  must 
eventually  give  way  to  a  more  just  system  of  regulation. 

Further,  the  accumulation  of  such  vast  wealth  by  ecclesias- 
tical and  fraternal  organizations  must  eventually  corrupt  these 
institutions  and  lead  to  their  final  defilement  and  dissolution. 
It  is  impossible  that  the  masses  of  impoverished  mankind  will 
indefinitely  bear  with  patience  these  infractions  of  Justice.  A 
time  will  arrive  when  they  will  lose  confidence  in  the  altruistic 
pretensions  of  these  institutions  and  change  their  character  en- 
tirely.    These  facts  must  be  taken  in  their  full  significance. 

A  benevolent  and  impartial  government,  then,  will  demand 
that  every  interest,  secular,  ecclesiastical  and  fraternal,  shall 
bear  its  proper  proportion  of  the  nation's  burden  and  support, 
and  that  all  property  shall  bear  its  part  of  the  public  expense 
according  to  its  valuation,  honestly  and  impartially  assessed. 

Then,  there  is  another  interest  that  must  not  be  overlooked 
in  this  connection.  Eeference  is  had  to  the  custom  in  some 
sections  of  exempting  from  taxation  for  a  term  of  years  a  new 
industry,  presumably  to  encourage  its  growth  and  development. 
But  this  is  a  practice  of  doubtful  character,  since  it  is  a  question 
whether  an  industry,  which  is  unable  to  pay  for  the  protection 
of  government,  is  entitled  to  live.  In  the  young  days  of  a 
people,  when  they  are  struggling  to  establish  themselves  among 
the  world's  commonwealths  and  to  make  themselves  self-suf- 
ficient, such  practice  may  be  excusable;  but  when  they  have  as- 
sumed a  conspicuous  place  among  the  world's  powers,  such  prac- 
tice becomes  the  rankest  class  legislation.  Every  interest,  corpo- 
rate and  individual,  must  rely  for  its  prosperous  life  upon  its 
own  merits  and  not  upon  bonuses  for  support. 

Again,  every  citizen,  rich  and  poor,  should  be  compelled  to 
contribute  to  the  public  expense.  This  must  be  evident  on  re- 
flection.    In  the  first  place,  it  makes  of  him  a  better  citizen 


58  AMERICAN    PEINCIPLES 

by  forcing  him  to  recognize  his  proper  responsibilities.  Every 
voter,  having  the  power  to  impose  the  burden  of  taxation  upon 
his  neighbor,  should  be  willing  to  bear  his  proportion  of  this 
burden,  since  he  shares  in  the  benefaction  arising  from  it.  This 
contribution  should  take  the  form  of  an  ample  poll  tax  and  a 
proportionate  vocational,  income,  and  property  tax,  except  in 
the  case  of  the  married  woman  who  shares  this  burden  with 
her  husband. 

The  system  of  taxation  now  in  vogue  is  unjust  in  the  ex- 
treme. The  property  holder,  especially  the  small  property 
holder,  is  compelled  to  bear  by  far  the  heaviest  burden,  while 
the  non-property  holder  escapes  free,  often  refusing  to  pay  even 
a  poll  tax.  Wherein  does  the  property  holder  receive  more  of 
the  blessings  and  protection  of  government  than  the  non-prop- 
erty holder  except  in  the  matter  of  the  protection  of  property, 
which  expense  is  largely  borne  by  the  license  he  is  compelled  to 
pay  to  conduct  his  business  ?  Every  other  benefaction  of  govern- 
ment than  this  property  protection  is  shared  equally  by  all 
citizens,  whether  property  holders  or  not.  It  is  clearly  unfair 
and  unjust  and,  indeed,  repressive  to  rightful  effort,  to  force 
the  frugal  citizen,  who  by  painful  economy  has  accumulated  a 
modest  home  and  competence,  to  bear  the  chief  burden  of  the 
State's  maintenance.  Eeference  is  not  made  here  to  colossal 
fortunes,  which  are  ever  unwise  and  often  injurious,  and  which 
should  be  heavily  taxed  to  keen  them  within  safe  limits,  but  to 
the  average  possessions  which  under  present  circumstances  have 
the  chief  burden  to  bear. 

Every  citizen,  then,  whether  or  not  a  property  holder,  should 
be  compelled  to  bear  a  proportionate  share  of  the  public  expense, 
and  where  this  reasonable  demand  is  refused,  he  should  be 
taken  into  the  custody  of  the  State  and  compelled  to  work  out 
his  civic  obligation.  As  all  citizens  share  equally  in  the  rights 
to  the  general  blessings  of  government,  such  as  protection  to 
life  and  liberty,  the  privileges  of  public  education,  and  the  en- 
joyment of  individual  and  community  happiness  and  prosperity, 
they  should  be  compelled  to  participate  in  the  expense  of  main- 
taining the  system  of  regulation  by  which  these  blessings  are 
secured. 


PUBLIC   EEVENUES  59 

Why  should  an  able-bodied  citizen  be  allowed  to  enjoy  all 
the  beneficence  of  humane  and  advanced  government  unless  he 
share  in  the  expense  of  its  maintenance?  Is  this  practice  con- 
ducive to  manly  pride,  self-reliance,  or  patriotism,  all  qualities 
vital  to  the  true  citizenship  of  a  nation  ?  While  all  citizens  en- 
joy the  same  benefits  of  government,  why  should  one  group 
be  required  to  meet  the  whole  expense,  and  another  group  be 
relieved  of  this  responsibility?  Where  is  the  justice,  charity,  or 
wisdom  here? 

If  every  able-bodied  citizen  were  compelled  to  pay  a  pro- 
portionate share  of  the  government  expense  by  a  fair  poll  and 
vocational  tax,  and  a  graduated  income  and  property  tax,  accord- 
ing to  his  possessions,  with  a  view  to  confining  these  possessions 
within  safe  limits,  sufficient  revenues  for  all  purpose  would  be 
realized,  while  the  burdens  of  State  would  be  fairly  and  equally 
distributed  among  the  nation's  beneficiaries.  It  is  neither  right 
nor  just  for  a  strong  and  robust  citizen  to  impose  his  proper 
share  of  the  public  burdens  upon  the  shoulders  of  his  neighbors, 
many  of  whom  are  less  able  than  himself  to  bear  them.  Let 
him  claim  the  right  in  this  as  in  every  other  particular  to  act 
a  man's  part  in  the  nation.  All  that  such  a  citizen  can  reason- 
ably ask  for  is  an  opportunity  to  prove  his  worth,  and  not  an 
insipid  favoritism  through  which  he  is  enabled  to  escape  his 
just  civic  responsibilities. 

It  thus  becomes  a  necessity  that  some  more  equable  system  of 
taxation  be  established  whereby  every  citizen  shall  be  required 
to  recognize  his  financial  responsibility  to  the  State.  Such  a 
system  would  not  only  afford  more  revenues  for  a  broader  and 
more  efficient  conduct  of  public  affairs,  but  would  intensify 
patriotism  and  interest  in  the  general  welfare,  now  sadly  de- 
clining 

Again,  a  tariff  on  imports  affecting  the  daily  necessities  of 
the  people  is  an  exceeding  doubtful  proceedure  in  a  well  de- 
veloped country.  A  temporary  measure  to  meet  an  emergency, 
or  a  tariff  to  protect  the  infant  industries  of  a  young  country 
when  struggling  for  a  respectable  place  among  the  great  nations 
of  the  world,  may  be  excusable  and  even  necessary  and  justifi- 
able, but  when  the  emergency  has  passed,  or  when  the  infant 


60  AMERICAN    PRINCIPLES 

industries  have  grown  into  mighty  giants,  such  a  law  is  a  mere 
subterfuge  for  legalizing  the  exploitation  of  the  people.  In  no 
case  should  such  a  tariff  yield  returns  greater  than  the  difference 
between  the  cost  of  labor  and  the  raw  materials  entering  into 
the  production  of  the  foreign  and  domestic  article. 

The  citizen  should  not  be  unduly  taxed  to  pay  dividends 
on  over-capitalized  stocks  of  badly  managed  corporations. 


HOMES  FOE  THE  AGED  POOR 

Providence  is  one  of  the  rarest  of  human  virtues ;  and  it  is 
the  exception  rather  than  the  rule  for  the  average  citizen  to 
provide  for  old  age  requirements.  He  is  too  engrossed  in  meet- 
ing the  wants  of  daily  life  to  think  of  a  distant  old  age — and 
yet  he  lives  a  useful  life.  He  has  done  his  part  in  the  civiliza- 
tion of  the  day,  and  the  world  and  mankind  are  the  better  for 
his  efforts.  But  when  at  last  an  inexorable  old  age  overtakes 
him,  he  is,  under  present  conditions,  compelled  to  face  the 
extremities  of  poverty  and  neglect,  and  too  often  dies  in  need 
of  the  simplest  wants  of  daily  life.  It  does  not  relieve  the 
dilemma  of  the  government  to  affirm  he  was  compensated  for  his 
labor;  for  material  recompense  can  never  fully  satisfy  the  just 
claims  of  human  brain  and  brawn — of  human  life,  in  reality — 
expended  in  the  varied  processes  of  modern  civilization.  He 
has  spent  his  life,  consciously  or  unconsciously,  in  the  effort  to 
make  his  nation  greater  and  better,  and  received  in  return  only 
a  mere  pittance  upon  which  himself  and  family  have  barely  sub- 
sisted. When  the  time  comes,  in  the  natural  course  of  things, 
when  this  citizen  must  lay  his  burden  down — ^when  old  age  has 
destroyed  his  usefulness — it  is  the  duty  of  the  government  to  pro- 
vide for  him  and  his  aged  dependent  a  comfortable  home  or  a 
pension  equal  to  the  expense  of  his  upkeep  in  such  a  home.  It 
should  be  left  to  his  discretion  as  to  whether  he  will  enter  the 
home  or  accept  the  pension. 

IN'or  is  the  government  to  be  held  altogether  guiltless  in  this 
citizen's  poverty ;  for  it  may  have  failed  to  properly  protect  him 
from  the  rapacity  of  his  more  aggressive  fellow  citizen  or  to 
have  otherwise  assisted  him  in  making  the  necessary  prepara- 
tion for  his  decadent  years.  By  certain  class  legislation,  it  may 
have  permitted  the  more  fortunate  citizen  to  reduce  the  salary 
or  wages  earned  by  his  less  fortunate  fellow  and,  simultaneously 
with  this  reduction,  to  raise  the  cost  of  living,  until  the  honest 
but  dependent  citizen  has  been  legally  robbed  of  all  the  com- 
forts and  many  of  the  necessities  of  life,  to  which  he  is  most 
justly  entitled.    The  government  has  thus  been  particeps  criminis 

61 


62  AMERICAN    PRINCIPLES 

in  the  privation  of  its  worthy  citizen,  and  is  bound  by  every 
demand  of  fairness  to  make  amends  by  providing  for  his  indi- 
gent senility. 

All  such  homes  should  be  constructed  with  a  view  to  ac- 
commodating both  sexes;  for  none  can  deny  that  woman  has 
taken  her  place  nobly  by  the  side  of  man  in  the  upbuilding  of 
modern  civilization.  She,  therefore,  deserves  every  consideration 
he  merits,  and  nothing  should  be  left  undone  to  adapt  her  de- 
partment in  such  a  home  to  every  feminine  requirement. 

These  institutions  should  be  made  as  comfortable  and  happy 
as  the  circumstances  will  permit;  and  to  this  end,  they  should 
all  have  industrial  departments  attached  where  simple  employ- 
ment may  be  provided  for  those  of  the  inmates  desiring  it,  and 
corresponding  compensation  offered,  so  that  small  amounts  of 
currency  may  be  earned  to  secure  those  many  little  daily  re- 
quirements so  needful  to  real  comfort.  The  industrial  employ- 
ment should  not  be  compulsory,  but  left  entirely  at  the  option 
of  the  inmate.  Not  all  like  to  work,  while  many  cannot  be 
content  without  it.  These  homes  should  meet  the  needs  of  all. 
Plain  and  suitable  daily  comforts  should  be  provided  and  com- 
petent medical  service  afforded.  Proper  religious  services  should 
be  secured,  and  all  sects  be  allowed  to  officiate  on  equal  terms. 
No  favoritism  should  be  extended  one  sect  over  another,  as  such 
practice  would  adversely  affect  the  well-being  and  happiness  of 
these  institutions  and  defeat  in  large  measure  the  purpose  of 
their  establishment. 

The  simple  products  created  by  the  industry  of  these  homes 
could  be  marketed,  where  possible,  to  reduce  the  expense  to  the 
State  of  their  maintenance. 

Some  such  system  of  caring  for  the  senile  indigent  would 
rob  approaching  old  age  of  much  of  its  anxiety,  and  conduce 
greatly  to  the  amelioration  of  the  closing  scenes  of  a  useful  life. 


ENCOUBAaEMENT  OF  AGRIOULTUEE 

Agriculture  forms  the  base  of  the  industrial  pyramid  and 
cannot  be  neglected  without  endangering  the  superstructure 
resting  upon  it.  Every  national  interest  must  find  its  ultimate 
success  in  a  prosperous  agriculture.  Hence  every  effort  of  the 
government  should  be  directed  toward  building  up  and  main- 
taining this  fundamental  industry.  Every  advanced  government 
should  have  an  agricultural  department  located  at  the  capital 
whose  head  should  occupy  a  seat  in  the  presidential  cabinet,  and 
whose  duty  it  should  be  to  look  after  the  interests  of  the  farm 
in  the  various  sections  of  the  country.  This  department  should 
be  the  center  of  a  system  of  agricultural  experimental  stations  in 
the  various  farming  districts  of  the  nation,  whose  duty  should 
be  not  only  to  ascertain  by  expert  experimentation  what  products 
are  best  adapted  to  and  most  profitably  grown  in  that  par- 
ticular region,  but  also  to  furnish  regular  weather  reports  for 
the  safe-guarding  of  farming  interests,  and  to  directly  instruct 
the  farmers  of  the  region  in  the  best  methods  of  cultivation. 
This  governmental  agent  should  be  a  man  of  scientific  and  prac- 
tical experience  in  his  field  of  labor.  The  usual  custom  of  filling 
public  offices  with  inexperienced  and  often  incompetent  men 
will  entail  disastrous  consequences  in  this  practical  industry. 
This  pernicious  custom  cannot  prove  advantageous  in  any  pub- 
lic office,  however  insignificant  it  may  appear  to  be,  but  must 
be  fatal  here.  How  unfortunate  to  a  people  when,  through 
political  favoritism,  incompetent  officers  are  placed  in  the  con- 
trol and  management  of  their  public  affairs ! 

Attached  to  these  institutions  should  be  competent  banking 
facilities  for  effecting  farm  loans  at  the  lowest  rates  of  interest 
and  on  the  best  terms  of  payment.  It  should  be  the  duty  of 
these  financial  agents  to  secure  the  most  accurate  data  possible 
regarding  the  farm  lands  in  their  respective  districts,  in  order 
that  the  government  may  effect  the  necessary  relief  without  be- 
ing imposed  upon.  For  the  government  to  make  farm  loans 
without  ample  knowledge  of  the  security  offered  would  be  to 
promptly  secure  its  victimization. 

68 


64  AMERICAN    PEINCIPLES 

The  farming  regions  of  the  nation  should  be  divided  into 
districts  according  to  the  scientific  judgment  of  the  best  ob- 
tainable authority,  and  each  district  thoroughly  organized  along 
the  lines  above  suggested,  so  that  prompt  information  or  as- 
sistance may  always  be  at  hand. 

Moreover,  the  government  should  undertake  suitable  highway 
building  throughout  the  country,  and  establish  an  effective  rural 
freight  and  express  service.  Everything  should  be  done  by  way 
of  developing  the  educational,  postal,  telegraph,  telephone,  high- 
way, and  freight  and  express  facilities  to  bring  rural  life  at 
least  to  an  approximate  equality  with  city  life  in  these  several 
modern  conveniences. 

When,  under  these  stimulating  advantages,  rural  life  is 
made  more  pleasant  and  comfortable,  the  exodus  from  the  farm 
to  the  city  will  be  checked  if  not  reversed.  Agriculture  will 
then  become  scientific  and  profitable,  and  rural  prosperity  will 
quicken  and  vivify  all  other  interests  and  industries. 


THE  PROHIBITION  OF  UNLAWFUL 
COMBINES 

To  legislate  to  obstruct  or  to  hinder  the  normal  operation 
of  the  natural  laws  of  trade,  so  that  one  group  of  citizens  may 
accumulate  wealth  at  the  unjust  expense  of  another,  is  the  most 
ruinous  class  legislation  and  must  sooner  or  later  be  attended  by- 
disaster  to  the  general  prosperity.  Since  government  is  the 
natural  sequence  of  the  social  organization  of  man,  it  follows  it 
must  accommodate  itself  to  all  the  natural  laws  flowing  from 
that  organization.  One  of  these  is  free  competition  in  industrial 
life — freedom  to  produce  and  sell  where  possible  market  is  avail- 
able, even  at  the  cost  of  the  neighbor's  success — freedom  from 
the  slavery  of  industrial  combinations  which  undertake  to  coerce 
all  minor  concerns  in  the  same  line  of  business,  in  order  to 
exploit  and  impoverish  the  people — freedom  to  buy  and  sell 
when  interests  demand,  without  the  necessity  of  begging  the  per- 
mission of  the  trust  master. 

To  frustrate  all  attempts  of  the  citizen  or  group  of  citizens 
at  selfish  aggrandizement,  the  government  should  rigorously 
penalize  all  combines,  trusts  or  pools,  creating  an  iniquitous 
monopoly  in  any  particular  industry  with  a  view  to  controlling 
the  selling  price  of  the  commodity  or  of  the  price  of  labor 
entering  into  the  cost  thereof,  and  should  in  all  cases  maintain 
a  healthy  operation  of  the  natural  law  of  supply  and  demand. 
It  does  not  comply  with  the  demands  of  reason  to  aver  such  law 
is  antiquated  or  out  of  date,  since  such  an  accusation  cannot 
be  hurled  against  a  law  of  nature,  whether  that  law  operates  in 
the  physical,  mental  or  spiritual  world. 


65 


EEGULATION  OF  CAPITAL 

Capital  is  essential  to  the  material  growth  of  the  nation. 
It  is  one  of  the  great  factors  concerned  in  the  development  of 
the  nation's  material  resources.  It  should,  therefore,  not  be 
regarded  in  the  light  of  an  enemy  to  the  public  weal.  It  is  one  of 
the  nation's  greatest  blessings;  but,  like  every  other  potent 
agency,  it  may  be  beneficial  or  injurious  to  the  nation's  welfare 
according  to  whether  or  not  it  is  properly  controlled.  Vast  ac- 
cumulations of  unregulated  capital  too  often,  by  vicious  com- 
binations and  the  selfish  control  of  legislation,  become  a  menace 
to  popular  liberty  and  the  impartial  administration  of  public 
affairs.  If  left  to  its  own  caprice,  it  often  corrupts  the  pub- 
lic official  and  distorts  public  justice  to  ulterior  and  selfish  ends. 
It  should  be  the  concern  of  government  to  prevent  such  danger- 
ous aggregations  of  the  nation's  wealth  in  the  hands  of  the  few, 
and  to  effect  a  more  equable  distribution  of  the  nation's  com- 
forts among  the  people.  Not  only  do  these  vast  aggregations 
of  capital  by  groups  of  citizens  impoverish  the  masses  of  the 
people  by  denying  to  them  what  properly  belongs  to  them,  but 
they  corrupt,  through  enervating  luxury,  the  capitalists  them- 
selves. These  unfortunates,  for  such  they  are  in  the  light  of 
truth,  lured  on  in  the  pursuit  of  happiness  by  their  vast  wealth 
from  the  satisfaction  of  one  appetite  to  another,  are  generally 
led  into  a  life  of  dissipated  luxury  fatal  alike  to  exalted  char- 
acter and  human  sympathy. 

Further,  they  establish  an  example  of  extravagant  life,  which 
finds  its  way  ultimately  into  the  daily  life  of  the  people,  and 
the  whole  nation  then  becomes  luxurious  and  extravagant  and 
degenerates  into  a  careless,  time-serving  and  pleasure-loving  com- 
munity in  whom  all  the  higher  sentiments  are  ignored.  The 
nation  is  then  led  from  the  simple,  plain  and  noble  life,  so  es- 
sential to  a  healthy  national  growth  and  prosperity,  into  one 
of  excess  and  final  dissolution. 

"Ill  fares  the  land,  to  hastening  ills  a  prey, 

Where  wealth  accumulates  and  men  decay." 

66 


EEGULATION    OF   CAPITAL  67 

It  must,  then,  be  one  of  the  chief  duties  of  government  to 
prevent  these  dangerous  accumulations  of  wealth,  both  in  the 
interest  of  the  citizen  and  the  public  at  large.  To  this  end,  the 
government  should  fix  the  limit  of  healthful  and  ample  fortunes 
and  prohibit  their  combinations  to  destroy  the  operation  of  the 
natural  laws  of  trade  in  the  effort  to  control  the  price  of  labor 
or  materials  required  in  the  various  enterprises,  and  should 
extend  its  just  and  benevolent  regulative  action  and  supervision 
over  all  combinations  of  capital  having  for  their  object  the 
proper  development  of  the  nation's  resources. 

In  restricting  fortunes  within  the  safe  limit,  ascertained  by 
proper  and  painstaking  investigation,  the  government  must  have 
recourse  to  taxation — the  only  reasonable  method  at  its  disposal. 
A  graduated  income  tax  could  be  levied  and  so  adjusted  that  all 
fortunes  above  the  legal  limit  would  be  absorbed  by  the  govern- 
ment and  applied  in  the  construction  of  public  utilities,  public 
improvements,  old  age  pensions,  insurance,  etc.  In  this  man- 
ner the  industrial  genius  of  the  citizen  could  be  turned  to  the 
advantage  of  the  general  welfare  by  enabling  the  government  to 
provide  employment  for  the  idle  in  the  building  and  thorough 
equipment  of  the  public  utilities  and  other  improvements  re- 
quired by  the  comfort  of  the  people ;  and  to  prevent  the  discour- 
agement of  normal  individual  aspiration  and  zeal,  the  govern- 
ment could  create  a  graded  honor  list  for  those  citizens  who 
have  best  served  the  State  in  this  capacity.  Such  an  honor  list 
would  become  a  part  of  the  national  archives  and  redound  to  the 
historical  advantage  of  the  citizen  and  his  posterity.  This 
would  afford  ample  incentive  to  the  patriotic  citizen  to  continue 
his  exertions  along  his  chosen  line  of  employment.  Men  must 
labor  to  be  happy  and  what  better  can  they  do  after  providing 
for  their  own  ample  welfare  than  to  serve  their  nation  and  be 
thenceforth  enrolled  among  the  benefactors  of  their  countrymen  ? 

But  this  disideratum  presupposes  the  proper  education 
of  the  citizenry  in  all  that  appertains  to  a  citizen's  love  of 
country.  A  system  of  public  education  which  develops  the 
selfish  nature  of  the  citizen  and  teaches  him  that  his  chief 
aim  in  life  should  be  to  consider  under  all  circumstances  his  own 
selfish  purposes,  can  never  incline  him  to  national  altruism,  nor 


68  AMEEICAN    PEINCIPLES 

enable  him  to  appreciate  such  an  attitude  in  others.  But  under 
a  system  of  broad  and  liberal  education  of  both  head  and  heart 
all  these  reforms  or  evolutions  of  government  are  possible  to  a 
people  who  desire  them. 


EEGULATION  OF  LABOR 

Hostile  relationship  between  capital  and  labor  cannot  be  a 
matter  of  indifference  to  the  nation.  These  differences  touch 
the  heart  of  the  nation  and  can  only  be  composed  through  just 
and  impartial  legislation  courageously  and  fearlessly  enforced. 
It  is  illogical  to  permit  two  classes  or  groups  of  citizenship  to 
disrupt  the  peace  and  harmony  of  the  entire  nation.  Every 
class  or  group  must  be  subservient  to  law.  The  reverse  ushers 
in  the  reign  of  destructive  anarchy.  The  subject  must  be  fairly 
and  justly  studied  and  considered  in  all  its  bearings,  especially  as 
it  concerns  the  welfare  of  the  nation  as  a  whole.  The  nation,  there- 
fore, and  not  its  political  subdivision,  should  rule  in  this  matter. 

In  creating  remedial  legislation,  it  will  be  necessary  first  to 
place  both  interests  on  the  same  legal  basis.  To  do  this,  a 
national  corporation  law  should  be  passed  for  individualizing 
all  organizations  of  an  industrial  character,  to  which  all  capi- 
talist and  labor  combinations  should  be  made  equally  subservient. 
In  this  manner,  the  various  bodies  of  these  great  interests  would 
be  constituted  legalized  individuals,  capable  of  suing  and  being 
sued.  With  these  two  interests  converted  into  corporate  indi- 
viduals, each  being  legally  responsible  to  the  other  in  all  mat- 
ters pertaining  to  their  business  relations,  the  next  legislative 
step  could  be  taken  by  passing  a  compulsory  arbitration  law 
and  creating  an  arbitration  court  into  which  the  diiferences  of 
the  corporate  individuals  could  be  brought  and  adjudicated.  In 
this  court  the  various  industrial  causes  could  be  tried  on  the 
same  principles  and  in  the  same  manner  as  those  arising  in  the 
usual  course  of  daily  life. 

And  since  the  subject  of  wages  has  always  been  the  chief 
bone  of  contention  between  capital  and  labor,  the  subject,  in 
any  case  arising,  should  be  thoroughly  and  honestly  investigated 
and  judgment  rendered  accordingly.  To  make  the  investigation 
fair  and  complete,  the  court  should  have  power  to  demand  the 
surrender  of  the  bona  fide  books  and  records  of  any  company  in 
question,  in  order  that  the  matter  of  its  expense  and  profits 
may  be  determined.    And  any  company  imposing  upon  the  gov- 

69 


70  AMERICAN    PEINCIPLES 

ernment  by  the  surrender  of  fictitious  books  or  false  records 
should  be  penalized  in  heavy  fine,  and  its  directing  or  controlling 
personnel  imprisoned.  No  light  penalty  will  be  effective.  No 
firm  should  be  entitled  in  any  case  to  greater  profits,  after  all 
the  expenses  of  the  enterprise  have  been  deducted,  than  the  legal 
rate  of  interest  in  the  state  of  its  domicile.  Nor  should  it  be 
entitled  to  thivS,  if  the  labor  employed  should  be  found  to  be 
pauperized  by  insufficient  wages. 

Likewise,  the  court  should  investigate  the  character  of  labor, 
the  cost  of  living  to  the  laborer,  the  cost  of  educating  his  chil- 
dren and  maintaining  his  family  in  respectability,  and  his 
right  to  put  aside  something  for  the  future,  and  fix  the  wages 
accordingly;  but  in  no  case  to  fix  a  rate  which  would  destroy 
the  industry  in  which  it  is  employed. 

To  the  end  that  the  creative  power  of  labor  may  be  duly 
encouraged  and  protected,  every  nation  should  have  an  efficient 
Labor  Department,  domiciled  at  the  capital,  with  its  head  oc- 
cupying a  seat  in  the  presidential  cabinet,  whose  duty  should  be 
to  watch  over  and  safeguard  the  interests  of  labor,  in  order  that 
it  may  perform  untrammeled  its  function  in  advancing  civiliza- 
tion. 


PEOTECTION  OF  EMPLOYE  AGAINST 
DANGEEOUS  MACHINERY 

He  is  compelled  to  labor  to  meet  the  needs  of  himself  and 
family,  and  in  this  labor  he  also  faithfully  serves  the  community 
at  large.  He  is  thus  entitled  to  protection  against  the  careless- 
ness or  indifference  of  the  employer.  All  dangerous  machinery, 
with  which  he  is  concerned,  should  be  guarded  as  much  as  pos- 
sible by  life-saving  devices,  and  when  these  precautions  and  the 
proper  sanitary  measures  have  been  neglected,  the  owner  of  the 
plant  should  be  penalized  and  held  responsible  in  suitable  dam- 
ages. But  he  should  not  be  entitled  to  recover  such  damages 
if  he  has  already  been  compensated  by  industrial  or  accident 
insurance ;  for  this  would  be  a  double  compensation  for  the  same 
injury,  unless  the  first  compensation  is  deemed  inadequate. 

To  safeguard  the  interests  of  the  employe  in  this  regard, 
the  government  should  provide  industrial  insurance  against  all 
occupational  diseases  and  unavoidable  injuries.  When  an  em- 
ploye has  devoted  much,  perhaps  the  larger  part  of  his  life  in 
faithful  discharge  of  duty  in  any  line  of  work,  and  finally  suc- 
cumbs to  its  destructive  effects,  he  should  be  properly  cared  for 
during  the  continuance  of  the  disability.  The  government  should 
secure  this  protection  by  providing  a  fund  for  the  purpose  to  be 
managed  under  proper  insurance  methods  ordained  by  national 
law.  Such  industrial  insurance  should  not  be  left  to  the  capri- 
cious administration  of  private  industries,  but  should  be  under 
the  direct  control  of  the  government,  to  whose  assistance  both 
the  employe  and  employer  should  contribute,  since  both  must 
be  in  a  measure  responsible. 


71 


GOVERNMENT  SHOULD  FIX  THE 
HOURS  OF  LABOR 

This  important  matter  should  not  be  left  to  the  selfish  dis- 
cretion of  the  employer,  who  too  often  takes  advantage  of  the 
necessities  of  his  less  fortunate  fellow  citizen  to  exact  of  him 
long  and  tedious  hours  of  destructive  toil,  thus  depriving  him 
of  the  opportunity  for  recreation,  rest  and  self-improvement. 
That  governmental  system  is  woefully  lacking  in  wisdom  and 
beneficence  which  permits  the  employe  to  be  ground  between 
the  upper  and  nether  millstones  of  avarice  and  necessity.  It  is 
truly  a  cowardly  failure  of  government  to  allow  one  industrial 
factor  to  destroy  another.  It  is  its  duty  to  be  partial  to  none 
but  to  protect  all;  and  when  this  just  attitude  is  disregarded, 
government  has  neglected  one  of  its  most  important  functions 
and  justly  deserves  the  execration  of  the  citizen. 

The  foregoing  remarks  are  even  more  urgently  applicable 
to  child  labor.  To  legalize  the  destruction  of  the  youth  of 
the  nation  in  the  sweat-shop  and  factory  is  to  sacrifice  helpless 
innocence  upon  the  altar  of  capitalistic  greed.  Long  hours  of 
unremitting  toil  in  unsanitary  industrial  buildings,  in  many 
instances  on  scant  food  supply,  will  steadily  undermine  the 
health  and  vigor  of  the  prospective  citizen,  and  eventually  fill 
the  nation  with  degenerates  and  criminals.  No  child  can  grow 
to  normal  and  useful  maturity  who  is  deprived  of  a  sufficiency 
of  good  and  wholesome  food,  pure  air,  sunlight,  and  recreation, 
but  must  become  in  the  end  a  morose  and  unhappy  malcontent, 
ready  at  the  slightest  provocation  to  launch  into  desperate  crim- 
inal undertakings.  Thus  must  the  nation  sicken  and  die 
through  the  agency  of  governmental  infidelity  and  neglect. 

The  violation  of  the  natural  laws  of  child-life  can  but  be 
followed  by  ruinous  consequences  to  the  State.  N'o  nation  can 
neglect  the  interests  of  its  little  ones  without  imperiling  its 
future.  They  are  the  only  guarantees  of  the  nation's  continued 
existence. 


72 


THE  CIRCULATING  MEDIUM 

One  of  the  great  functions  of  government  is  the  provision 
of  an  adequate  measure  of  value  and  medium  of  exchange.  This 
should  be  free  from  undue  contraction  and  expansion,  created 
and  developed  under  government  supervision,  and  safe-guarded 
from  the  dictates  of  private  interests.  Such  a  circulating 
medium  is  what  is  known  as  money.  Money  is  thus  a  medium 
of  exchange  and  a  measure  and  standard  of  value;  and  under 
present  conditions  consists  of  the  two  precious  metals,  gold  and 
silver,  with  nickel  and  copper  as  subsidiary  metals.  These  two 
metals  have  been  selected  as  money  materials,  because  they  more 
fully  meet  all  the  present  requirements  of  a  safe  circulating  me- 
dium. The  requisites  of  such  materials  are  a  fixed  intrinsic  value, 
portability,  homogeneity,  durability,  divisibility,  and  recogniza- 
bility.  In  addition  to  the  metallic  currency,  there  is  the  repre- 
sentative money  in  the  form  of  bank  and  government  notes. 
This  is,  strictly  speaking,  only  credit  currency,  as  it  is  re- 
deemable in  gold  and  silver.  Moreover,  there  is  another  form 
of  credit  expediency  in  the  form  of  checks,  drafts,  bills  of  ex- 
change, etc.,  which  in  normal  times  serve,  in  a  limited  degree, 
as  a  medium  of  exchange.  These,  however,  are  not  classed  as 
money,  but  only  act  in  its  stead  in  normal  conditions  of  trade. 

When  the  circulating  medium  consists  exclusively  of  the 
precious  metals  above  mentioned,  there  is  great  temptation  to 
hoard  and  thus  draw  them  from  circulation.  To  this  extent, 
money  fails  in  its  function  and  becomes  a  plain  commodity.  It 
must  keep  in  action  as  a  standard  and  measure  of  value  to  serve 
as  money.  But  this  withdrawal  creates  a  corresponding  scarcity 
of  money,  thus  enhancing  the  purchasing  power  of  the  remain- 
ing units  left  in  circulation.  This  in  time  means  dear  money, 
high  rates  of  interest,  and  low  prices  for  commodities. 

Moreover,  the  quantity  of  metallic  currency  must  depend 
primarily  upon  the  quantity  of  the  metals  mined.  But  this  is 
exceedingly  uncertain,  hence  the  value  of  the  metals  must 
fluctuate  under  the  law  of  supply  and  demand.  Then,  again, 
their  value  depends  upon  the  amounts  of  these  metals  required 

73 


U  AMERICAN    PRINCIPLES 

in  the  arts.  This  demand  also  fluctuates  and  still  further  ren- 
ders unstable  the  value  of  these  metals.  It  must  be  confessed, 
then,  when  due  consideration  is  accorded  these  facts,  that  gold 
and  silver  are  not  perfectly  adapted  as  money  metals,  but  they 
must  be  acknowledged  to  be  the  best  materials  at  present  avail- 
able. When  to  their  intrinsic  value  the  fiat  of  the  government 
is  added,  thus  bestowing  upon  them  also  a  money  value,  their 
value  as  a  medium  of  exchange  becomes  much  more  stable  and 
fixed. 

In  view  of  the  foregoing  facts,  it  is  clear  that  government 
should  maintain  absolute  control  over  the  creation  and  distribu- 
tion of  the  circulating  medium ;  and  all  credit  expediencies,  per- 
forming the  function  of  money,  should  be  under  the  supervision 
of  the  central  authority.  These  beneficent  agencies  and  national 
exigencies  should  not  be  left  to  the  caprice  of  private  interest. 
When  the  gold  and  silver  currency  of  the  State  is  in  control 
of  private  enterprise,  the  temptation  is  very  great  to  speculate 
in  the  circulating  medium  by  contracting  or  expanding  it  to  a 
dangerous  degree,  and,  by  such  a  policy  of  alternatingly  con- 
tracting and  expanding  the  currency,  to  correspondingly  increase 
and  decrease  its  purchasing  power  with  a  view  of  gradually  con- 
centrating the  wealth  of  the  nation  in  the  hands  of  the  few,  and 
thus  convert  a  liberal  Democracy  into  a  tyrannous  oligarchic 
Plutocracy.  Such  a  result  need  not  be  the  purpose  of  the  spec- 
ulator, but  must  follow  as  a  consequence  of  such  practice, 
whether  he  wills  it  or  not. 


THE  PROHIBITION  OF  VAGRANCY 
AND  LOITERING 

.  Government  should  enact  rigorous  vagrancy  laws  and  impar- 
tially enforce  them.  When  an  able-bodied  citizen,  unless  retired 
on  sufficient  competence,  refuses  to  contribute  his  energy  to 
the  general  welfare,  to  labor  in  some  particular  field  of  useful- 
ness adapted  to  his  talent  and  choice,  thereby  providing  for  the 
interests  of  himself  and  family  and  contributing  to  the  progress 
of  the  community,  the  government  should  take  possession  of 
him  and  force  him  to  do  his  share  of  the  nation's  labor.  He 
should  be  paid  the  same  wage  earned  by  like  labor  elsewhere, 
and  after  the  expense  of  his  upkeep  has  been  deducted,  this 
wage  should  be  paid  by  the  government  to  those  depending  upon 
him,  or  turned  over  to  him,  on  his  release.  And  this  punishment 
should  be  inflicted  as  often  and  as  long  as  he  refuses  to  per- 
form the  part  of  a  useful  and  self-sustaining  citizen.  In  this 
way  only  may  society  be  protected  against  the  imposition  and 
injustice  of  the  human  drone. 

Every  citizen  who  refuses  to  contribute  to  the  productive- 
ness of  the  community  becomes  a  burden  upon  his  fellow  citi- 
zens. He  must  be  clothed  and  fed,  and  if  he  does  not  earn  these 
necessities  by  his  own  labor,  they  must  be  earned  by  the  labor  of 
others.  It  is  needless  to  say  this  is  an  unjust  burden  upon  those 
who  have  to  bear  it.  If  such  a  citizen  does  not  possess  sufficient 
pride  of  character  to  lead  him  to  the  performance  of  a  freeman's 
part  in  the  community,  he  should  be  forced  to  recognize  his 
responsibility. 

The  government  should  compel  every  citizen  of  family  to 
provide  the  necessaries  of  life  for  that  family.  To  assume  the 
responsibility  of  a  family  and  then  neglect  it  by  failing  to  pro- 
vide even  the  common  necessities  of  every-day  life,  should  be 
rigorously  punished  by  law.  To  say  that  the  wives  and  children 
of  such  citizens  are  not  charges  of  the  State  and,  therefore,  of 
no  concern  to  the  State  is  to  declare  a  palpable  falsehood.  The 
home  is  the  foundation  of  the  civilized  State,  and  the  wives  and 

children  its  chief  hope.     To  permit  the  head  of  the  family  to 

75 


76  AMEKICAN    PEINCIPLES 

wilfully  neglect  to  provide  for  his  offspring  is  to  fail  in  one  of 
the  most  important  functions  of  an  intelligent  State.  When  the 
head  of  the  family  has  made  every  effort  to  support  his  wife  and 
offspring,  but,  through  misfortune  or  sickness,  has  failed  to  do 
so,  the  government  should  assist  to  the  extent  of  finding  useful 
employment  for  him  whereby  he  may  perform  the  duty  of  an 
honorable  citizen,  and,  in  case  of  his  sickness,  it  should  provide 
a  suitable  pension  until  he  shall  become  self-supporting,  when 
he  is  to  return  the  assistance  advanced.  But  when  he  wilfully 
neglects  to  perform  his  duty  in  this  regard,  he  should  be  taken 
possession  of  by  the  State  and  set  to  suitable  work,  the  usual 
wage  for  such  labor,  after  deducting  the  expense  of  his  upkeep, 
being  paid  by  the  State  to  his  family.  And  this  punishment 
should  be  inflicted  until  the  neglectful  citizen  shall  learn  the 
lesson  of  industry  and  frugality,  and  appreciate  the  due  responsi- 
bility of  parenthood.  And  when  such  a  citizen  seeks  to  escape 
such  responsibility  in  flight,  he  should  be  pursued,  captured  and 
made  to  serve  an  additional  time,  under  the  direction  of  the 
State.  Such  citizen  should  not  be  permitted  to  deprive  their 
dependents  of  the  necessary  comforts  of  daily  life. 


GENEEAL  CLASS  REGULATION 

There  must,  of  necessity,  be  a  plurality  of  classes  in  every 
nation.  The  varying  intelligence  of  the  people,  the  different 
races  comprising  the  citizenry,  social  preferences,  different  habits 
of  the  people,  and  the  varying  degrees  of  wealth,  inherited  or 
acquired,  create  certain  classes  or  groups  of  the  population,  who 
have  the  right  to  expect  the  encouragement  and  protection  of 
a  benevolent  government.  The  word  is  here  used  not  in  the  sense 
of  caste,  a  group  of  citizens,  upon  whom  long  usage  and  custom 
have  conferred  certain  privileges  not  enjoyed  by  the  other  groups, 
but  in  the  sense  of  a  natural  cleavage  taking  place  in  any  body 
of  freemen.  Moreover,  reference  is  intended  to  the  constructive 
elements  of  our  population  only. 

This  natural  grouping  of  citizens  does  not  imply  inherent 
superiority  of  one  over  another,  but  rather  springs  from  the 
right  of  the  freeman  to  select  his  own  companions,  either  from 
among  those  of  his  own  occupation,  or  from  considerations  of 
spontaneous  congeniality.  If  the  importance  of  a  class  depends 
upon  its  essentiality  in  our  civilization,  it  follows  that  one  class 
is  as  valuable  as  another  in  the  constructive  needs  of  our  times. 
One  class  may  possess  more  culture  or  skill  than  another,  but 
this  has  nothing  to  do  with  essentiality.  Each  performs  an  es- 
sential part  in  our  civilization,  and  cannot  be  dispensed  with 
without  injury  to  the  whole  system  of  collective  life. 

Thus,  the  classes  in  the  democracy  are  not  arranged  with 
respect  to  any  particular  quality  of  constituency,  but  rather  with 
regard  to  the  nature  of  the  service  rendered  and  the  social 
preferences  of  the  freeman. 

The  prosperity  and  well-being  of  the  classes,  which,  after 
all,  comprise  the  citizenry  of  the  democracy,  should  be  the  con- 
stant concern  of  government.  Hence  all  contemplated  legisla- 
tion should  have  reference  to  its  effects  upon  all  classes,  impar- 
tially considered.  There  is  no  more  repressive  influence  in  a 
democracy  to  individual  aspiration  and  development  than  what  is 
known  as  class  legislation.    It  breeds  suspicion  and  contempt  for 

77 


18  AMERICAN    PEIISrCIPLES 

constructive  statesmanship,  and  finally  inspires  a  rebellious  spirit. 
The  fiat  of  the  government  whereby  one  class  of  citizens  is  em- 
powered to  nullify  the  natural  law  of  supply  and  demand  and, 
by  thus  enhancing  the  necessaries  of  life,  to  rob  their  fellow 
citizens  of  the  benefits  of  a  natural  competition,  is  a  rank  injus- 
tice and  smacks  of  administrative  tyranny.  Under  a  beneficent 
government,  where  the  principles  of  democracy  are  earnestly 
enforced,  all  such  pernicious  activity  is  prohibited,  and  all 
natural  laws  of  trade  are  protected,  to  the  end  that  all  classes 
of  the  citizenship  may  pursue,  without  artificial  restraint,  their 
natural  course  of  development. 

Nor  should  one  class  be  legally  closed  to  another.  It  is 
one  of  the  duties  of  democracy  to  open  the  way  to  promotion  to 
every  worthy  and  aspiring  citizen,  and  to  encourage  him  in  every 
rational  manner  in  his  laudable  ambition.  It  is  an  inherent 
right  of  the  citizen,  of  whatever  class,  to  be  permitted  to  advance 
to  higher  stages  of  usefulness,  whenever  he  shall  prove  himself 
worthy  of  such  advancement.  But  such  privilege  must  not  be 
construed  as  giving  him  the  right  to  interfere  with  his  neighbor's 
social  preference  or  with  his  right  to  preserve  the  purity  of  his 
race.  These  are  inherent,  sacred,  and  inalienable  privileges  of 
the  individual  under  whatever  form  of  government  he  may  live, 
and  may  not  be  trammeled  without  destroying  the  fundamental 
principles  of  orderly  government. 

Moreover,  every  class  must  be  made  to  recognize  its  rela- 
tions to  every  other.  It  cannot  evade  its  responsibilities  to  the 
community  at  large.  No  class  can  afford  to  pursue  a  wholly 
selfish  course.  It  must  not  look  to  itself  alone.  It  must  ap- 
preciate its  special  function  in  the  welfare  of  the  community  and 
prevailing  civilization.  It  must  know  that  should  every  class 
look  to  its  interests  alone,  irretrievable  ruin  must  finally  overtake 
all.  The  classes  in  our  democracy  are  so  indissolubly  bound  to- 
gether by  common  interest  that  one  cannot  suffer  without  all  the 
others  sharing  in  the  distress.  Each  class  must,  therefore,  feel 
its  vital  relations  to,  and  necessary  dependency  upon,  every 
other;  that  only  the  harmonious  co-operation  of  all  classes  can 
secure  the  prosperity  and  permanence  of  the  nation;  that,  in 
truth,  in  this  manner  only  may  we  have  a  nation  at  all. 


GENEEAL    CLASS    EEGULATION  79 

The  two  most  important  classes  of  our  population  are  those 
represented  by  capital  and  labor.  These  are  the  two  great  fac- 
tors concerned  in  the  production  of  the  nation^s  wealth.  Noth- 
ing but  the  air  and  sunlight  is  free  to  man.  Everything  else 
must  be  brought  to  him  by  his  own  labor  or  that  of  others. 
Every  created  necessity  of  man  has  been  produced  by  the  union 
of  capital  and  labor.  It  must  be  clear,  then,  to  the  rational  mind 
that  these  two  factors  of  man's  happiness  and  comfort  should 
be  thoroughly  regulated  by  a  benevolent  government.  The  in- 
terest of  both  finds  its  chief  support  in  a  mutual  understanding 
and  accord.  These  two  great  factors  of  the  world's  wealth  are 
thus  mutually  dependent  and  should  co-operate  harmoniously 
in  their  respective  fields  of  usefulness.  What  could  capital  ac- 
complish without  labor,  or  labor  without  capital?  Ties  of  clos- 
est amity  should  unite  them  in  their  service  to  the  world.  Any 
unfriendly  tendencies  arising  between  them  should  be  thoroughly 
and  honestly  investigated  with  a  view  to  correction  before  dan- 
gerous obstacles  to  their  peaceful  relations  arise.  Government 
falls  far  short  of  its  full  duty  to  the  nation  when  it  views  with 
indifference  the  rise  of  hostile  sentiments  between  these  two  es- 
sential factors,  and  proclaims  its  imbecility  or  cowardice  when 
it  refuses  to  exercise  the  authority  vested  in  the  sovereign  State 
to  control  and  regulate  these  forces,  and  to  compel  them  to  com- 
pose their  differences  in  the  interest  of  themselves  and  the  nation 
at  large.  Hostile  clashes  between  capital  and  labor  must  become 
a  proper  subject  for  governmental  adjudication.  The  disturb- 
ance of  the  natural  relations  existing  between  employer  and  em- 
ploye does  not  concern  these  two  beneficent  forces  of  civiliza- 
tion alone,  but  affects  the  whole  nation  and  subsequently  the 
whole  world.  In  all  such  disorders,  the  wise  and  benevolent  gov- 
ernment will  act  with  judicious  courage  to  bring  about  a  just 
and  impartial  settlement  of  the  trouble  in  the  interest  of  all 
affected. 

Capital  and  labor  must  approach  each  other  in  the  spirit 
of  justice  and  forbearance.  For  capital  to  pauperize  labor  is 
to  destroy  its  constant  and  inseparable  companion.  For  labor  to 
destroy  the  industry  by  forcing  it  to  pay  ruinous  wages  is 
to  destroy  its  only  hope^ — ^to  murder  its  best  friend.    But  reason- 


80  AMERICAN    PRINCIPLES 

ably  and  dispassionately  considered,  labor  is  entitled  to  more  of 
the  proceeds  of  industry  than  capital.  Capital  is  only  the  dead  in- 
strument in  the  hands  of  vital,  creative  energy.  It  is  the  product 
of  past  labor.  By  itself,  it  is  as  dead  and  useless  as  the  car- 
penter^s  hammer  on  the  ground  beside  him.  The  hammer, 
useful  as  it  is,  will  never  of  itself  drive  the  nail.  It  must  be 
impelled  by  the  brain  and  brawn  of  man,  to  fulfill  its  true  func- 
tions. So  it  is  with  capital.  Of  itself,  it  can  never  create  one  dol- 
lar of  wealth.  It  must  be  employed  and  directed  by  the  vital 
energy  of  the  brain  and  brawn  of  man  before  it  can  enter  into 
the  creation  of  the  nation's  wealth.  It  is  just  and  right,  then, 
to  conclude  that  after  the  varied  expenses  of  the  busy  industry 
have  been  deducted,  capital  should  be  satisfied  with  a  reason- 
able interest,  and  all  the  rest  of  the  profits  should  go  to  the  vital 
energy  which  created  them.  This  contention  appears  to  be  in- 
dubitable. In  this  way,  each  factor  of  wealth  would  receive  its 
proper  share  of  the  profits  of  industry,  and  mutual  harmony 
be  encouraged  and  perfected. 

It  would,  therefore,  seem  proper  where  one  class  of  citizens 
sees  fit  to  combine  or  organize  themselves  into  a  body  for  a 
special  industrial  purpose,  that  the  government  should  provide 
the  laws  under  which  that  organization  is  to  be  effected  and 
operated,  since  its  operations  must  effect,  directly  or  indirectly, 
the  welfare  of  all  the  other  classes.  And  when  one  class  conflicts 
with  another  class,  the  government,  through  properly  constituted 
and  organized  courts  of  arbitration,  should  use  its  Constitutional 
authority  to  reconcile  them,  in  order  that  the  general  welfare 
may  not  be  impaired  or  retarded.  It  should  promptly  repress 
class  agitation  as  unwise  and  iniquitous.  The  maintenance  of 
class  interests  by  all  legitimate  means  is  essential  to  progress, 
but  any  attempt,  claiming  the  right  under  the  pretext  of  free- 
dom of  speech  or  freedom  of  press,  to  create  hostile  feelings 
among  the  classes  of  our  population  cannot  be  friendly  either  to 
the  classes  or  to  the  nation,  and  should  be  vigorously  suppressed. 
As  well  may  we  expect  concord  in  the  family,  while  allowing 
the  cunning  trouble-maker  free  rein  in  the  household. 

But  government  must  regulate  and  control  the  classes.  To 
intimate  that  a  sovereign  State  has  no  power  to  intervene  in 


GENEEAL    CLASS    EEGULATION  81 

class  conflicts  is  to  confess  its  imbecility  and  failure.  Every 
question  which  may  arise  among  the  classes  of  the  population 
comes  within  the  purview  of  the  authority  and  function  of  a 
benevolent  and  potent  State,  and  should  be  settled  by  it  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  demands  of  strict  and  impartial  justice.  If 
the  government  has  the  right  to  compose  differences  between  in- 
dividual citizens,  it  has  the  right  to  reconcile  differences  arising 
between  corporate  individuals  of  the  community.  There  is  no 
difference  in  the  principle  but  only  in  the  application  of  the 
principle.  Under  present  forms  of  governmental  administra- 
tion, it  is  proposed  to  apply  the  principle  to  the  individual 
citizen,  but  not  to  the  corporate  or  collective  citizen.  Herein 
lies  the  error,  injustice,  and  danger  of  those  economic  systems 
which,  for  any  reason,  ignore  the  principle  of  an  active  and  de- 
termining arbitration. 

If  the  State  has  the  right  to  use  its  compulsory  power  to 
settle  differences  between  individual  citizens,  it  unquestionably 
has  the  right  to  use  the  same  authority  in  settling  differences 
between  corporate  or  collective  citizens.  In  no  other  manner  may 
the  abuse  of  power  be  prevented,  and  the  community  be  properly 
safe-guarded  against  the  unjust,  grievous,  and  ruinous  results 
of  class  conflicts. 

Thus,  one  of  the  most  important  duties  of  government  is 
to  bring  about  through  broad  and  liberal  education  and  wise 
legislation  a  recognition  of  the  mutual  dependence  and  in- 
separable interests  of  the  two  principal  forces  of  civilization,  and 
of  the  responsible  relations  of  all  classes  in  the  life  of  the  nation. 


CONSERVATION  OF  NATIONAL 
RESOURCES 

The  waste  of  natural  resources  in  America  has  reached 
appalling  proportions.  When  shall  we  learn  the  lessons  of 
economy?  All  mineral  deposits,  forests  and  water-powers  be- 
long to  the  people  and  should  not  be  permitted  to  become  the 
property  of  an  individual  or  group  of  individuals,  whether  they 
be  citizens  or  aliens.  All  mineral  deposits  such  as  gold,  silver, 
copper,  nickel,  iron,  oil,  gas,  coal,  and  many  others,  including 
stone,  granite,  and  marble  quarries,  should  belong  to  all  the 
people,  as  they  alone  are  most  vitally  affected  by  the  supply  and 
demand  of  these  substances.  Such  products  of  the  mine  should 
be  protected  from  monopolistic  control,  nor  should  any  indi- 
vidual or  company  own  and  operate  them  to  private  advantage. 
They  are  too  intimately  connected  with  the  happiness  and  des- 
tiny of  the  masses  of  the  people  to  be  diverted  to  private  inter- 
ests. 

The  same  is  true  of  the  forests.  From  these  are  derived 
much  of  the  building  materials  entering  into  the  construction 
of  the  homes  of  the  people.  To  permit  an  individual  citizen 
or  group  of  citizens  to  buy  the  forests  of  the  nation,  which  are 
its  natural  products,  and  thereby  to  control  the  prices  of  build- 
ing material,  is  to  place  a  damper  upon  home  construction  and 
to  depress  the  natural  and  laudable  ambition  of  the  citizen  to 
possess  his  own  domicile.  The  government  should  own  and 
conserve  the  forests  in  the  interest  of  all  the  people,  and  should 
pursue  a  policy  of  restoring  them  when  depleted,  and  this  not 
only  to  provide  building  material,  but  also  because  of  its  benefi- 
cial effects  upon  the  rainfall  of  the  country.  A  nation  cannot 
destroy  its  forests  without  adversely  affecting  its  climate  and 
agricultural  prosperity.  Deforestation  should  be  neutralized  by 
reforestation. 

Furthermore,  all  water-power  should  be  owned  by  the  State. 
It  is  but  natural  to  understand  that  a  time  will  ultimately  ar- 
rive in  the  life  of  the  world  when  the  oil,  gas  and  coal  supplies 
will  become  exhausted  or  very  greatly  diminished — ^when  they 

82 


CONSEEVATION  OF  NATIONAL  EESOUECES  83 

will  cease  to  be  cheap  fuel,  for  they  are  limited  in  quantity,  in 
the  very  nature  of  the  case.  Steam  will  then  decline  as  a  motive 
power,  and  the  nation  will  be  compelled  to  depend  largely  upon 
electricity.  But  without  coal,  gas  or  oil  the  generation  of  this 
motive  power  will  have  to  depend  upon  the  wind  and  water. 
The  wind  and  direct  rays  of  the  sun  will  for  a  long  time  be  too 
uncertain  for  the  successful  operation  of  private  plants  and  pub- 
lic utilities.  Water-power  will,  therefore,  afford  the  only  safe 
and  certain  force  for  the  operation  of  these  enterprises.  How 
important,  then,  that  this  power  should  be  jealously  guarded 
against  private  aggression.  Government  should  proceed  without 
delay  to  conserve  and  even  appropriate  all  water-power  in  the 
nation,  to  the  end  that  this  energy  may  be  saved  for  the  future 
needs  of  the  people. 


ABOLITION  OF  THE    CROP-LIEN 
SYSTEM 

No  more  paralyzing  power  could  be  laid  upon  the  progress 
of  scientific  agriculture  than  the  system,  in  vogue  in  many 
quarters,  of  mortgaging  the  crop  before  it  is  harvested,  in  many 
instances  even  before  it  is  planted.  Such  a  system  imposes  a 
deadening  damper  upon  the  energies  of  the  farmer,  as  he  sees 
in  it  no  hope  of  future  gain.  He  practically  sells  his  crop,  be- 
fore it  is  grown,  to  the  mortgagee  for  the  scant  necessities  of 
simple  daily  life,  and  is  thus  compelled  to  pay  his  creditors  the 
prices  they  demand  for  these  necessities.  Not  only  is  this  true, 
but  the  mortgagee  often  dictates  the  character  of  the  crops  to 
be  grown,  on  penalty  of  withholding  credit.  The  agriculturist 
is  thus  reduced  to  a  kind  of  serfdom,  destructive  alike  of  his 
independence  and  progress.  The  farmer  should  be  able  to 
operate  on  a  cash  basis,  to  the  end  that  he  may  enjoy  the  liberty 
and  right  of  selling  his  crops  where  he  can  obtain  a  fair  and 
reasonable  price. 

Government  should  prohibit,  under  proper  penalization,  such 
an  enslaving  system,  since  it  must  ultimately  prove  baneful  to  all 
interests  concerned,  and  protect  the  farmer  against  the  imposi- 
tions of  his  more  prosperous  neighbor.  Fortunately,  this  un- 
ethical practice  does  not  obtain  as  frequently  as  formerly,  but 
this  is  not  due  to  the  increasing  altruism  of  the  farmer's  cred- 
itor, but  rather  to  the  farmer's  energy  and  determination  to 
be  free.  Hence  government  should  insure  its  permanent  dis- 
continuance. It  should  concern  itself  to  bring  about  a  more 
comprehensive  conception  on  the  part  of  both  merchant  and 
farmer  of  their  mutual  relations  and  interests,  and  encourage 
them  to  co-operate  to  the  progressive  advantage  of  themselves 
and  the  country  at  large. 


84 


THE  NATIONALIZATION  OF 
PUBLIC  UTILITIES 

It  is  the  duty  of  an  efficient  government  to  own  and  operate 
all  such  public  utilities  as  the  Postal,  Telegraph,  Telephone 
Service,  and  Wireless  and  Aviation  Stations,  Railways,  High- 
ways and  Navigable  Rivers,  and  all  appurtenances  thereto,  in 
order  that  the  citizen  and  nation  may  derive  therefrom  the 
fullest  benefit  at  the  least  expense  and  inconvenience.  The 
State  should  facilitate  social,  industrial,  economic  and  com- 
mercial intercourse  among  its  citizens,  and,  to  this  end,  should 
see  that  the  machinery  designed  for  these  purposes  is  free 
from  private  and  selfish  control.  Not  only  does  the  social, 
industrial,  political  and  commercial,  advancement  of  the  citi- 
zens and  State  depend  upon  the  efficiency  of  these  services, 
but  the  very  preservation  of  the  nation  itself  is  vitally 
affected.  Not  all  citizens  are  patriots.  It  is  not  what 
they  should  be  but  what  they  really  are  that  weighs  in  the 
balance  of  international  warfare.  To  permit  these  public  serv- 
ices to  remain  in  the  possession  and  control  of  private  interests 
of  uncertain  character  is,  therefore,  to  invite  national  disaster. 
To  allow  these  utilities  to  remain  in  the  ownership  of  private 
companies,  composed  in  many  instances  largely  of  aliens,  and 
to  trust  their  efficient  operation  in  time  of  national  peril  to 
disinterested  or  even  inimical  influences,  is  the  climax  of  gov- 
ernmental folly.  Nor  is  it  much  wiser  for  the  government, 
though  it  may  be  a  necessity,  in  time  of  need,  to  take  over  these 
privately  owned  utilities  and  attempt  to  operate  them  with  any 
degree  of  success.  Lack  of  experience  in  such  ventures  would 
compel  the  government  to  accept  the  practical  organization  of 
the  companies  along  with  the  employes  and,  in  such  circum- 
stances, the  dilema  is  not  removed,  but  the  same  danger  exists 
as  in  the  case  of  private  control;  for  it  must  be  evident  that 
many  of  the  employes,  especially  those  of  foreign  sympathies, 
looking  to  their  future  welfare  and  employment,  will  remain 
under  the  invisible  government  of  their  former  employers.  It 
thus  becomes  an  easy  matter,  where  opposition  to  nationaliza- 
tion of  these  utilities  exists,  to  prove  failure  of  governmental 

85 


86  AMEEICAN    PEINCIPLES 

operation;  though  in  the  recent  experiment  along  these  lines 
in  our  country,  it  is  estimated  on  good  authority  that  the  rail- 
roads under  private  control,  following  the  governmental  opera- 
tion, cost  the  people  during  a  period  of  six  months  six  hundred 
and  thirty-four  millions  of  dollars,  while  the  same  utilities  un- 
der governmental  control,  during  a  period  of  two  years  and 
two  months,  cost  the  people  only  nine  hundred  and  twenty  mil- 
lions of  dollars,  a  rather  poor  showing  for  the  economy  of  private 
ownership  and  operation. 

Nationalization  of  these  utilities  thus  becomes  a  necessity 
and  duty,  and  beyond  the  primary  outlay  would  inflict  no  ex- 
pense upon  the  State,  but,  on  the  contrary,  under  proper  man- 
agement, would  become  generous  sources  of  revenue. 

To  leave  its  citizenry  at  the  mercy  of  the  rapacity  of  domestic 
or  foreign  transportation  companies  is  no  part  of  the  duty  of  a 
benevolent  State.  Such  agencies,  left  to  their  own  inclination, 
will  unduly  enhance  the  expense  of  transportation,  which  will 
be  promptly  added  to  the  cost  of  living  and  thus  unjustly  in- 
crease the  burdens  of  the  people.  Moreover,  the  same  disadvan- 
tage to  the  State,  in  time  of  urgent  necessity,  will  result  from 
privately  owned  transportation  facilities  as  from  privately  owned 
communication  facilities.  To  remove  these  dangers  to  the  State 
and  injustice  to  the  people,  government  ownership  and  opera- 
tion of  all  railroad,  river  and  ocean  transportation  facilities, 
concerned  in  the  carrying  trade  of  the  nation,  becomes  an  ulti- 
mate necessity.  This  will  require  government  dredging  and, 
when  necessary,  dyking  and  quaying  of  navigable  rivers  and 
ocean  harbors,  utilized  in  the  nation^s  domestic  and  foreign 
commerce. 

Every  navigable,  or  potentially  navigable  river,  thus  becomes 
at  once  an  asset  and  a  liability  of  the  government.  It  is  a  gov- 
ernmental asset,  because  it  is  one  of  the  nation's  arteries  of  com- 
merce to  be  used  by  the  citizen  in  traveling  from  one  part  of 
the  country  to  another,  and  to  transport  from  one  point  to 
another  in  the  nation  those  commodities  he  requires  in  his  daily 
life.  It  is  also  an  asset,  because  it  belongs  to  the  nation  and  is 
a  source  of  revenue.  It  is  a  liability,  because  it  is  clearly  the 
government's  duty  to  improve  it  and  develop  its  usefulness.    It 


ISTATIOlSrALIZATION"   OF   PUBLIC    UTILITIES     87 

is  also  a  liability,  because  it  is  the  government's  duty  to  protect 
the  citizen  living  along  the  banks,  or  residing  on  its  alluvial 
or  flood-plain,  against  the  destructive  effects  of  high  water. 
It  must  be  evident  to  the  reflective  mind  that  inasmuch  as  the 
government  claims  ownership  and  control  of  the  great  navi- 
gable rivers,  it  is  duty  bound  to  keep  them  within  their  banks 
and  to  protect  the  riparian  citizen  from  the  disastrous  effects 
of  periodical  overflows.  To  encourage  the  industrious  citizen 
to  reside  on  the  flood-plain  of  the  river,  and  to  tax  him  for 
the  State's  support,  and  lead  him  to  expect  profitable  returns 
on  his  labor  through  the  protection  of  a  benevolent  government, 
and  then  to  abandon  him  to  the  mercy  of  the  destroying  flood, 
which  it  was  the  plain  duty  of  the  State  to  prevent,  is  one 
of  the  most  obvious  and  remarkable  instances  of  governmental 
neglect  or  imbecility  that  can  possibly  be  imagined.  Indeed, 
such  a  condition  of  affairs  is  so  unthinkable  as  to  be  actually 
unsusceptible  of  debate.  A  government  which  refuses  to  accept 
such  clear  responsibility  to  the  citizen  confesses  its  impotence 
or  deadening  impecuniosity,  or  descends  to  the  level  of  undig- 
nified subterfuge  and  insincerity. 

If  it  is  the  duty  of  the  State  to  own  and  control  the  nav- 
igable waterways,  it  is  likewise  its  duty  to  own  the  transpor- 
tation devices,  or  floating-stock,  to  be  operated  on  these  water- 
ways. It  would  be  as  reasonable  to  expect  the  government  to 
own  the  railroads,  and  permit  the  rolling-stock  to  be  owned 
and  operated  by  private  companies.  It  is  illogical  to  divide 
this  responsibility.  It  must,  of  necessity,  lead  to  an  embar- 
rassing confusion. 

What  right  has  the  citizen  of  one  political  division,  or 
community,  to  arrogate  to  himself  the  authority  to  control  the 
transportation  facilities  of  all  the  other  communities,  and  to 
divert  these  instruments  for  the  public  good  to  his  own  private 
profit?  If  he  is  permitted  to  own  and  control  the  railroad, 
river,  and  ocean  transportatron  facilities  along  with  the  tele- 
graph, telephone,  and  wireless,  he  might  as  well  also  become 
the  benevolent  and  disinterested  owner  and  operator  of  the 
postal  service.  But  all  these  functions  fall  within  the  purview 
of  national  sovereignty  and  should  be  exercised  by  a  wise  and 


88  AMEEICAN    PEIlSrCIPLES 

beneficent  State  in  the  interest  of  all  the  people.  The  argu- 
ment that  government  ownership  of  these  utilities  would  strike 
a  fatal  blow  at  individual  initiative  is  puerile,  and  is  a  mere 
subterfuge  of  the  opponents  of  this  policy.  Government  owner- 
ship and  operation  of  the  postal  system  has  not  proportionally 
reduced  individual  initiative,  if  we  may  take  the  audacious  and 
dangerous  aggression  of  the  citizen  in  all  other  fields  of  indus- 
trial venture  as  an  indication  of  the  damaged  remains.  The 
argument  is  a  mere  scarebug  of  the  opposition. 

There  is  a  sufficiently  broad  scope  in  all  other  departments 
of  human  industry,  which  naturally  falls  within  the  province, 
of  individual  endeavor,  to  claim  the  highest  and  most  ambitious 
material  efforts  of  man. 

There  are  many  advantages  beyond  those  above  mentioned 
and  but  few  disadvantages  resulting  from  nationalization  of 
public  utilities.  In  the  case  of  the  railroads,  especially,  there 
are  many  advantages  in  favor  of  public  ownership.  In  the 
first  place,  there  would  be  uniform  passenger,  freight  and  ex- 
press rates  on  all  lines,  based  upon  the  actual  cost  of  trans- 
portation. If  these  rates  were  not  perfectly  uniform,  they  would 
be  approximately  so.  And  there  is  every  reason  for  believing 
they  would  be  much  lower  than  under  private  ownership;  for 
there  being  no  stocks  or  bonds  to  absorb  the  incomes  of  the 
roads,  these  rates  would  be  based  upon  the  expense  of  construc- 
tion, maintenance,  and  operation.  ISTeither  would  there  be  re- 
bates, preferentials  nor  discriminations.  A  just  system  of  charges 
would  be  elaborated  and  established,  which  could  not  fail  the 
welfare  and  progress  of  the  people. 

Again,  there  would  be  a  uniform  system  of  construction, 
maintenance  and  operation,  under  the  most  scientific  direction 
obtainable,  and  paying  salaries  in  proportion  to  the  service 
rendered  and  in  consideration  of  the  cost  of  living  in  the  region 
where  the  service  is  rendered.  This  system  properly  worked 
out  would  yield  a  far  better  and  more  satisfactory  result  at 
much  less  cost  to  the  people. 

Moreover,  there  could  be  no  hostile  discriminations  against 
certain  sections  or  municipalities  because  of  refusal  to  comply 
with  railroad  extortions.     Under  government  ownership,  each 


N'ATIO:^rALIZATION'    OF   PUBLIC    UTILITIES     89 

state  or  municipality  would  receive  favorable  and  equable  treat- 
ment. 

Again,  the  road-beds  and  rolling-stock  would  be  kept  in 
better  repair,  and  the  traveling  public  rendered  more  comfort- 
able. The  day  traveler  would  share  equally  with  the  night  or 
long-distance  traveler  in  all  the  necessary  comforts  of  refined 
life.  Under  present  conditions,  the  day  traveler,  or  he  who 
travels  in  the  day  coach  of  our  trains,  is  woefully  neglected  in 
every  necessary  and  decent*  comfort,  notwithstanding  the  fact 
he  pays  the  same  railroad  fare  as  the  Pullman  occupant.  This 
is  a  gross  and  most  tyrannical  neglect  and  should  not  be  tol- 
erated. It  is  certain  that  under  government  ownership  these 
disadvantages  would  be  abolished. 

Further,  under  nationalization  the  citizen,  purchasing  a 
ticket  but  for  some  reason  being  unable  to  use  it  on  the  day  set 
for  departure,  would  be  able  to  use  it  at  any  future  time  he  may 
elect.  The  ticket  should  be  valid  till  used.  Under  present 
management,  the  traveler  is  frequently  practically  forced  to 
agree  that  in  case  he  should  be  unable  to  use  the  ticket  on  the 
day  fixed  for  his  departure,  it  is  forfeited.  This  is  clearly 
unjust  and  an  abuse  of  power. 

Again,  the  railroad  schedule,  both  as  to  time  of  arrival  and 
departure,  would  be  more  accurately  carried  out  on  all  trains, 
and  the  dangers  of  loss  by  side-tracking  perishable  freight  and 
express  would  be  greatly  reduced. 

Again,  all  hostile  competition  with  railway,  river  and  ocean 
transportation,  with  a  view  to  wrecking  dangerous  rivals,  would 
be  abandoned.  For  as  all  these  utilities  would  belong  to  the 
people,  each  would  be  properly  developed  and  adjusted  to  its 
own  peculiar  function  in  the  carrying  service  of  the  nation. 
Under  nationalization  wisely  applied,  every  railroad,  river,  the 
ocean,  and  every  airplane,  would  be  made  to  do  service  to  the 
citizen,  at  the  least  possible  expense.  It  has  been  estimated  upon 
what  appears  to  be  perfectly  credible  authority  that  the  rail- 
roads under  six  months  of  private  control  after  their  return 
by  the  government  cost  the  people  six  hundred  and  thirty-four 
millions  of  dollars,  while  the  same  utilities  under  two  years 
and  two  months'  national  control  cost  the  people  nine  hundred 


90  AMERICAN    PEHSTCIPLES 

and  twenty  millions  of  dollars — a  rather  poor  showing  for  the 
economy  of  private  control. 

Finally,  perfect  coordination  of  service  would  be  attainable 
during  war.  This  is  a  most  important  consideration,  and  may 
easily  mean  victory  or  defeat  to  the  nation.  Under  govern- 
ment ownership  and  control,  the  necessary  maneuvers  could  be 
carried  out  in  times  of  peace,  which  would  assure  the  defeat 
of  any  hostile  action  against  us.  Under  private  ownership, 
this  is  impossible. 

There  are  many  other  reasons  why  these  public  utilities 
should  be  owned  by  all  the  people,  but  only  one  chief  and  valid 
objection  to  this  policy— namely,  the  dangerous  voting  power 
of  such  a  number  of  public  officers.  Under  present  procedure, 
this  would  be  a  real  danger,  but  it  may  be  easily  removed  by 
depriving  the  public  officer  of  his  franchise  during  his  tenure  of 
office.  If  he  did  not  possess  the  right  to  vote  and  thus  be  able 
to  combine  his  power  with  his  associate  to  maintain  tenure  in 
office,  wherein  would  there  be  any  incentive  to  make  the  at- 
tempt? He  may  safely  leave  his  interests  in  the  community  to 
the  intelligence  and  honesty  of  his  fellow  citizens.  He  can  have 
no  possible  rights  or  proper  interests  they  will  not  protect  along 
with  their  own. 

It  must,  then,  be  clear  that  the  ownership  and  control  of 
all  these  utilities,  vitally  affecting  the  interests  of  the  State  as 
a  whole,  become  a  part  of  the  function  of  the  sovereign  power 
and  should  be  exercised  for  the  benefit  of  all.  For  the  private 
citizen  to  aspire  to  the  control  of  such  functions  marks  a  dan- 
gerous stage  in  the  development  of  individual  ambition  and 
audacity,  and  proclaims  the  arrival  of  the  hour  when  the  proper 
curb  should  be  placed  upon  such  abnormal  aspirations. 

It  should  be  an  acknowledged  duty  of  government  to  dredge 
and  quay  all  harbors  of  the  nation,  to  the  end  that  its  coast- 
wise trade  and  foreign  commerce  may  be  encouraged  and  de- 
veloped. But  is  it  not  also  the  duty  of  the  government  to  own 
and  operate  its  own  merchant  marine?  To  dredge  and  main- 
tain its  harbors  and  not  own  its  vessels  is  equivalent  to  the  man 
who  builds  and  maintains  a  commodious  garage  for  his  neigh- 
bor's vehicle,  making  only  a  nominal  charge  for  this  convenience. 


NATIONALIZATION"    OF   PUBLIC    UTILITIES     91 

while  paying  the  neighbor  an  exorbitant  tariff  for  the  use  of 
the  vehicle.  The  logical  course  would  appear  to  be  for  the 
government  to  own  both  the  harbors  and  the  merchant  marine, 
since  both  are  equally  concerned  in  the  domestic  and  foreign 
transportation  of  the  nation's  varied  commodities,  and  even  in 
its  defense.  In  this  way,  the  vast  expense  of  transporting 
domestic  products  to  foreign  markets  in  foreign  bottoms  would 
be  saved  in  profits  to  the  people,  thus  adding  greatly  to  the 
taxable  wealth  of  the  nation,  which  would  be  available  in  times 
of  emergency,  and  would  obviate  foreign  steamship  combina- 
tions against  the  nation's  exporters  and  importers,  which,  in 
many  instances,  deprive  national  enterprise  of  much  of  its  justly 
earned  profits. 

Thus  the  government  owned  merchant  marine  would  not 
only  safeguard  the  nation's  commercial  interests,  but  would 
greatly  add  to  its  naval  power  by  providing  a  large  list  of 
fast  and  compactly  built  steamers  which  could  be  armed  and 
commissioned  as  auxiliary  cruisers,  transports,  colliers,  scout- 
ships,  and  commerce  destroyers.  The  government  in  construct- 
ing such  a  merchant  marine  would  keep  constantly  in  view  the 
possibility  of  such  naval  use,  while  the  privately  built  merchant 
marine  would  be  adapted  almost  exclusively  to  commercial  pur- 
poses. This,  of  course,  is  perfectly  natural  and  not  to  be  con- 
demned, since  in  the  business  world  business  only  is  considered. 

Putting  aside  all  prejudice,  we  must  sooner  or  later  come 
to  realize  the  wisdom  and  necessity  of  the  nationalization  of 
all  public  utilities  of  an  inter-state  character.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  efforts  of  interested  influences  to  decry  the  recent 
governmental  operation  of  these  utilities,  and  to  make  it  appear 
such  control  was  a  failure,  the  common  sense,  the  intelligence, 
of  the  people  proclaim  in  candid  tones  the  falsity  of  such  as- 
severations, and  promise  the  coming  of  the  day  when  they  shall 
acquire,  through  fair  and  just  means,  the  instruments  vitally 
concerned  in  the  realization  of  their  destiny. 

It  may  be  safely  affirmed  that  the  only  reason  these  several 
utilities  were  not  included  by  the  founders  of  our  democracy 
in  public  ownership  along  with  the  navigable  rivers  and  post- 
roads  and  postal  service  is  that  they  were  not  then  in  existence. 


92  AMERICAN    PEINCIPLES 

The  government  could  not  own  what  as  yet  had  no  actual  exist- 
ence. But  there  seems  to  be  no  limit  to  the  thirst  for  acquisi- 
tion of  present  day  business.  Man  might  today  be  buying  his 
sunlight,  air,  and  rain  were  not  the  cost  of  the  necessary  plants 
for  cornering  these  life-essentials  beyond  the  financial  reach 
of  the  modern  profiteer.  But  let  us  not  over  jubilate  in  the 
enjoyment  of  these  few  remaining  free  blessings,  we  may  yet 
lose  them. 

The  public  ownership  and  operation  of  city,  state,  and  in- 
terstate utilities  will  be  the  earnest  political  slogan  of  the  near 
future. 


THE  ELEEMOSYNARY  INSTITUTIONS 

It  is  the  duty  of  a  humane  government  to  establish  and 
maintain  the  necessary  charitable  institutions,  not  only  for  the 
aged  poor  and  other  worthy  dependents,  but  also  for  the  insane, 
deaf,  dumb,  and  the  orphans  of  the  community.  These  in- 
stitutions should  provide  every  necessary  modern  comfort,  and 
should  have  special  reference  to  the  health  of  the  inmates.  To 
segregate  these  unfortunates,  under  the  confessed  duty  of  car- 
ing for  them,  and  then  to  neglect  their  comfort  and  health  is 
a  disgraceful  practice  and  justified  only  in  semi-civilized  coun- 
tries. The  comforts  should  be  plain  but  modern  in  all  respects 
and  sufficient  to  meet  all  reasonable  requirements. 

These  institutions  should  be  conducted  so  as  to  encourage 
the  inmate  to  individual  achievement  and  development,  and 
should  endeavor  to  educate  him  with  a  view  to  bringing  out  and 
expressing  all  that  he  is  capable  of.  It  is  a  great  error  to 
consider  these  unfortunates  as  lost  to  society.  Many  of  them 
possess  genius  of  the  highest  order,  that  should  be  utilized  to 
the  advantage  of  themselves  and  the  State.  Xo  community 
can  afford  to  v^aste  the  energy  or  genius  of  its  citizens.  Every 
endeavor  should  be  made  to  develop  the  citizen,  whatever  may 
be  his  apparent  misfortunes,  along  normal  lines  of  progress. 
All  intelligent  effort  is  helpful,  not  only  to  the  citizen  making 
it,  but  to  society  at  large.  Despondency  must  not  be  thrown 
across  the  pathway  of  these  people,  optimism  must  be  their 
inspiration. 

It  is  thus  the  duty  of  the  State  to  educate  the  inmates  of 
these  institutions  to  the  safe  limits  of  their  capacity,  with  a 
view  to  their  own  happiness  and  the  advantage  of  their  country ; 
and  to  assist  in  this  useful  work,  industrial  facilities  should  be 
attached  to  all  these  homes  for  the  purpose  of  developing  the 
technical  skill  of  the  inmates.  Not  only  are  they  thus  kept 
in  useful  and  healthful  employment,  but  are  afforded  the  op- 
portunity of  learning  a  valuable  vocation  for  their  future  in- 
dependent support.  These  facilities  w'ould  not  only  go  far 
toward  preparing  the  inmate  for  a  useful  life  in  the  world, 
but  would  also  assist  the  State  by  affording  products  to  be  sold 

93 


94  AMERICAN    PEINCIPLES 

in  the  domestic  or  foreign  markets  at  the  same  prices  demanded 
for  like  products  created  elsewhere,  whose  proceeds  should  be 
applied  toward  the  upkeep  of  these  institutions. 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  advocate  the  provision  of  institu- 
tions where  the  orphans  of  the  State  can  be  cared  for  and 
properly  prepared  for  a  useful  life.  No  amount  of  time,  energy, 
or  money,  used  by  the  State  for  this  purpose,  can  be  considered 
unwise  or  ill-spent,  so  long  as  business-like  and  honest  methods 
prevail  in  their  management.  All  the  considerations  mentioned 
in  connection  with  the  above-suggested  institutions  are  even 
.more  applicable  here,  as  the  care  of  the  orphan  is  probably  the 
most  important  eleemosynary  work  the  State  can  undertake. 
For  this  reason,  such  labor  should  not  be  left  to  private  or  religious 
interests;  but  should  be  undertaken  by  the  people  as  a  whole.  All 
the  above  needs  must  or  should  be  an  obligation  of  the  public, 
since  they  vitally  concern  the  future  citizenship  of  the  nation.  No 
healthy  or  progressive  democracy  can  fail  to  meet  promptly  and 
fully  every  responsibility  imposed  by  these  humane  requirements. 

In  many,  perhaps  most,  states,  efforts  along  these  lines 
have  been  made,  and  many  beautiful  and  useful  institutions 
have  risen  in  obedience  to  a  sane  and  growing  American  sen- 
timent. But,  promising  as  these  may  be,  it  is  perfectly  safe  to 
say  that  none  of  them  have  fully  measured  up  to  the  proper 
requirements,  and  must  continue  to  evolve  under  the  combined 
assistance  of  state  and  nation,  under  the  advisory  direction  of 
the  latter,  before  they  can  be  expected  to  assume  perfected  forms. 

In  conclusion,  it  is  only  left  to  say  that  the  most  sane  and 
scientific  attention  should  be  given  to  the  health  of  these  in- 
stitutions. The  enormous  death  rate  observable  in  these  homes, 
especially  in  the  orphan  asylums,  is  a  standing  monument  to 
the  State's  neglect  of  its  helpless  wards.  Could  there  be  a 
stronger  or  more  convincing  argument  of  its  delinquency  ?  When 
will  the  people  arouse  from  their  selfish  slumber  and  come  to  the 
rescue  of  their  needy  dependents?  Why  should  they  continue 
to  impose  their  burdens  upon  the  shoulders  of  individual 
citizens?  The  absorbing  importance  of  this  public  duty  is  too 
great  to  be  left  to  the  caprice  of  private  contributions,  church 
donations,  or  popular  "drives." 


EEFOEMATOEIES  FOR  ERRANT  YOUTH 

Government  should  establish  reformatories  for  the  erring 
youth  of  both  sexes.  To  place  the  young  miscreant,  who  may 
be  the  victim  of  a  momentary  impulse  or  of  improper  associa- 
tion, in  the  companionship  of  the  hardened  adult  criminal 
is  heinous  in  the  extreme — is  to  rob  him  or  her  of  every  pos- 
sible chance,  it  may  be,  of  reformation.  Such  an  act  of  the 
State  is  really  more  criminal  than  that  for  which  the  unfor- 
tunate is  confined.  Separate  institutions  for  the  sexes  should 
be  constructed  and  plainly  but  neatly  equipped,  so  as  to  be  as 
home-like  as  it  is  possible  to  make  them.  They  should  be 
conducted  with  the  sole  view  of  educating  both  head  and  heart, 
and  thus  of  changing  the  outlook  upon  life.  They  should  not 
encourage  idleness,  the  most  inimical  obstacle  to  progressive 
development,  but  should  urge  the  inmate  to  ambitious  action. 
To  this  end,  industrial  departments  should  be  attached,  in  which 
the  inmate  should  be  compulsorily  employed  according  to  pecu- 
liar talent  and  receive  a  proper  wage.  This  wage,  after  de- 
ducting the  expense  of  the  inmate's  upkeep,  should  be  paid 
over  to  his  or  her  indigent  family,  or,  in  case  the  family  is 
self-sustaining,  which  fact  should  be  established  by  proper  in- 
vestigation, should  be  deposited  by  the  State  to  the  credit  of 
the  inmate,  to  be  delivered  to  him  or  her  on  leaving  the  in- 
stitution as  a  start  in  life.  N"or  should  the  public's  duty  end 
here.  It  should  assist  the  inmate  in  establishing  a  useful  busi- 
ness, and  continue  its  benevolent  and  generous  guardianship 
until  that  business  is  a  paying  enterprise  under  the  manage- 
ment of  the  former  inmate,  or  until  he  or  she  shall  prove  in- 
capable of  conducting  a  personal  enterprise,  in  which  case  the 
State  should  assist  in  securing  proper  and  permanent  employ- 
ment. It  should,  under  no  circumstances,  lose  sight  of  its  ward 
until  sufficient  stability  of  character  has  been  reached  to  render 
the  effects  of  its  labors  perpetual. 

These  institu,tions  could  be  maide  self-sustaining,  under 
proper  management,  and  the  instruments  for  saving  to  a  useful 
life  numberless  youths  of  both  sexes  now  lost  annually  to  the 

95 


96  AMEEICAN    PEINCIPLES 

nation.  They  should  always  be  conducted  by  the  State  and, 
under  no  circumstances,  be  allowed  to  fall  under  the  control 
of  private  or  sectarian  interests.  They  are  either  obligations 
of  all  the  people  or  no  obligations  at  all.  We  cannot  with 
safety  confide  these  sacred  and  sovereign  functions  to  any 
sectarian  interests,  however  altruistic  they  may  be,  without 
sacrificing  our  national  self-respect.  Such  influence  would 
create  confusion  and  consternation  in  the  spiritual  atmosphere 
of  these  institutions  where  are  domiciled  so  many  minds  that 
have  been  subjected  to  different  doctrinal  beliefs,  and  would 
undermine  or  destroy  that  sense  of  religious  security  so  neces- 
sary to  a  steady  intellectual  and  ethical  development.  All 
ecclesiastical  bodies  should  be  impartially  admitted  into  these 
homes,  and  be  permitted  to  officiate  religiously  on  an  equal 
footing,  no  advantage  being  given  one  over  another.  Every 
inmate  has  a  right  to  the  enjoyment  of  his  or  her  own  reli- 
gious faith,  without  the  slightest  interference  from  the  bigotry 
of  others. 


THE   DRAINAGE    OF   MARSHES   AND 
IRRIGATION   OF   ARID   LANDS 

The  State  is  obligated,  as  a  sovereign  power,  to  drain  all 
extensive  marshes  and  to  irrigate  all  extensive  arid  lands, 
whether  they  be  public  or  private  possessions.  It  must  be 
evident  to  the  reflective  mind  that  such  enterprises  are  most 
frequently  beyond  the  limits  of  private  capacity.  The  govern- 
ment alone  has  at  its  command  the  engineering  skill  and  finan- 
cial strength  to  successfully  carry  through  these  great  under- 
takings. 

In  the  case  of  public  lands,  the  government  is  obligated, 
by  every  reason  of  fairness,  to  put  them  into  a  proper  condition 
for  successful  cultivation.  To  sell  its  lands  to  its  citizen  and 
encourage  him  to  settle  thereon  in  the  hope  of  satisfactory  re- 
turns on  his  labor,  and  neglect  to  put  them  into  proper  con- 
dition for  profitable  cultivation  is  no  part  of  the  conduct  of 
a  benevolent  government — is,  in  truth,  an  undeniable  insin- 
cerity, since  it  has  sold  to  the  citizen  what  it  knew  he  could 
not  profitably  use.  If  it  has  sold  marsh  lands,  it  should  drain 
them;  if  arid  lands,  it  should  put  water  on  them,  as  neither 
are  susceptible  of  cultivation  in  any  other  way. 

In  the  case  of  large  areas  of  privately  owned  lands,  posses- 
sions of  very  doubtful  propriety  and  wisdom,  the  government 
should  undertake  the  necessary  improvements,  and  assess  the 
cost  to  the  owners,  in  order  to  bring  these  areas  into  active 
production  at  as  early  a  date  as  possible.  The  cost  of  the 
enterprise  should  be  levied  against  the  lands  as  a  mortgage 
payable  at  a  suitable  future  date  and  at  a  fair  rate  of  interest, 
the  plants  remaining  in  the  possession  and  under  the  direction 
of  the  government  until  the  debt  has  been  fully  liquidated,  and 
a  fair  charge  being  made  by  the  government  to  keep  the  plants 
in  proper  repair.  Lands  reverting  to  the  government  under 
such  mortgages  should  be  resold  to  the  bona  fide  settler  at  the 
usual  price  of  public  lands  plus  the  cost  of  such  improvements 
as  may  have  been  erected  upon  them,  and  the  cost  to  the  gov- 
7  97 


98  AMEEICAN    PEINCIPLES 

ernment  of  the  prorated  expense  of  construction,  operation  and 
maintenance  of  the  drainage  or  irrigation  plants  on  them. 

Such  a  policy  would  incur  no  expense  to  the  government 
in  the  case  of  privately  owned  lands,  and  in  the  case  of  public 
lands,  only  what  is  justly  expected  of  a  progressive  and  prov- 
ident State.  Under  such  a  governmental  system  of  improve- 
ment, vast  areas  of  arid  lands  which  now  lie  waste  and  neglected 
would  be  brought  under  proper  cultivation  and  made  to  con- 
tribute their  proportion  to  the  wants  of  the  people. 


THE  POLITICAL  OPPOETUNITY  OF 
AMERICAN  WOMANHOOD 

How  will  the  newly  enfranchised  woman  use  the  ballot? 
On  which  side  of  the  pressing  issues  will  she  always  stand? 
This  is  probably  a  question  the  future  alone  can  answer  in  its 
entirety. 

Man  is  a  compound  of  good  and  evil  forces.  He  may  be 
dominated  by  the  noblest  qualities,  or  fall  under  the  sway  of 
the  baser  impulses  of  his  nature.  Springing  from  these  two 
classes  of  attributes  are  two  classes  of  men.  That  class  of  men 
over  whom  the  finer  qualities  of  the  spirit  rule  stand  for  the 
loftiest  and  most  idealistic  expressions  of  human  endeavor, 
while  that  class  dominated  by  the  grosser  and  more  material- 
istic traits  of  human  nature  stand  for  the  advancement  of  the 
selfish  and  degenerate  aspirations  of  human  character.  These 
two  classes  of  men  are  ever  in  mutual  conflict  for  supremacy. 
The  one  makes  for  progress,  the  other  for  reactionism.  This 
conflict  obtains  not  only  in  their  private  and  business  life,  but 
in  their  public  life  as  well.  Thus,  not  only  are  the  business 
affairs  of  the  world  affected  by  the  two  controlling  forces  of 
human  nature,  but  the  destiny  of  the  State  is  tossed  up  and 
down  between  them  and  oscillates  from  good  to  evil  govern- 
ment, according  to  whether  the  one  or  the  other  predominates. 
The  good  is  open  but  more  determined,  the  evil  is  more  secre- 
tive and  subtle.  These  two  forces  are  nearly  equally  balanced 
in  the  daily  life  of  the  world,  but  it  is  ordained  in  the  wisdom 
of  Providence  that  the  good  shall  ultimately  triumph  over  the 
evil.  To  fulfil  this  ordination,  the  forces  of  good  organize 
against  the  forces  of  evil,  which  in  turn  organize  against  prog- 
ress and  advancement.  This  is  ever  the  final  issue  in  all 
contests. 

Woman  is  joint  heir  with  man  in  all  the  confiicting  attri- 
butes of  his  nature,  but,  be  it  ever  said  to  her  glory,  her  noble 
attributes  far  outweigh  her  unfavorable  qualities.  The  pre- 
dominance of  her  good  qualities  compels  her  to  stand  as  a  sex 
for  all  that  is  best  and  right  in  private  and  public  life.     But 

99 


100  AMERICAN    PEINCIPLES 

as  there  are  good  and  worthy,  and  bad  and  unworthy,  men 
in  every  walk  or  class  of  the  nation's  life,  so  also  there  are 
good  and  worthy,  and  unworthy,  women  to  be  found  in  these 
several  spheres  of  action.  Let  us  be  frank  and  look  facts 
squarely  in  the  face.  I  have  no  desire  to  distort  the  truth  in 
the  discussion  of  so  serious  u  question.  There  will,  therefore, 
be  dangerous  voters  among  the  women,  as  there  are  dangerous 
voters  among  the  men,  who  will  always  put  self  and  station 
above  all  other  considerations,  in  their  conduct  toward  public 
duty.  It  is  against  this  undesirable  element  of  both  sexes  that 
the  better  element  must  unite.  To  this  end,  the  worthy  woman 
voter  in  every  station  of  life  must  be  on  guard  against  the  wary 
and  designing  politician.  He  is  ever  on  the  alert  for  acces- 
sions to  his  voting  strength.  The  professional  office-seeker  is 
rarely  a  patriot.  He  is  ever  seeking  the  satisfaction  of  his 
own  interests  and,  like  the  weather-vane,  constantly  shifts  from 
principle  to  expediency.  He  looks  exclusively  to  the  present 
and  its  possible  gains,  and  loses  no  time  with  the  future,  except 
where  it  may  serve  him.  True  statesmanship  is  to  him  a  lost 
art.  Already  he  is  anxious  to  "train''  the  new  voters.  Let 
the  women  beware  of  such  assistance.  They  will  be  fully  able 
to  train  themselves  in  the  technique  of  voting,  and  this  is 
all  the  assistance  they  could  possibly  need.  Let  the  woman 
voter  be  on  guard  against  all  political  propaganda.  It  is  ob- 
ligatory upon  her  to  study  the  principles  of  the  national  Con- 
stitution and  organize  her  strength,  not  as  sex  against  sex, 
for  this  would  be  politically  unwise  and  socially  destructive, 
but  with  a  view  to  defending  these  principles  in  all  their  varied 
applications  to  local  and  national  policies.  In  this  manner 
only  may  she  appreciate  her  newly  acquired  responsibility  and 
fully  discharge  the  duties  of  true  citizenship.  She  must  ignore 
slavish  party  fealty,  and  vote  for  principle  only.  The  woman 
voter  can  never  perform  the  part  of  patriotic  citizenship  so 
long  as  she  is  dependent  for  guidance.  She  must  be  inde- 
pendent if  she  is  to  properly  discharge  the  obligations  the 
franchise  has  imposed  upon  her. 

Women's  clubs  should  be  formed  in  all  states,  counties  and 
municipalities  with  a  view  to  expounding  the  principles  of  our 


OPPOETUNITY  OF  AMEEICAIST  WOMANHOOD  101 

form  of  government  and  the  duties  of  citizenship,  and  display- 
ing the  issues  involved  in  all  election  campaigns.  But  these 
organizations  cannot  undertake  to  control  the  woman  vote 
without  exercising  dangerous  un-American  and  tyrannical  dom- 
ination over  their  memberships.  Their  purpose  should  be  to 
impartially  instruct  in  the  principles  involved  in  the  issues  of 
the  campaigns,  and  their  accord  with  the  principles  of  the 
Constitution,  and  allow  the  judgment  of  the  voter  perfect  free- 
dom of  action  at  the  polls.  They  should  discuss  and  bare  the 
facts  so  as  to  enable  the  voter  to  comprehend  them,  and  leave 
the  ballot  to  her  discretion. 

The  women  of  the  nation  cannot  afford  to  ignore  the  de- 
mands of  the  hour.  They  must  and  probably  will  do  their  part 
in  the  nation^s  future.  They  should  watch  the  demagogue  who 
willingly  relegates  to  comparative  uselessness  every  principle 
of  the  Constitution  as  he  rushes  headlong  for  public  office,  and 
will  not  hesitate  to  pollute  the  purity  of  woman's  sacred  right 
of  franchise,  if,  by  so  doing,  he  shall  be  able  to  make  greater 
political  gains. 

Then  there  is  another  consideration  in  this  connection 
that  must  not  be  lost  sight  of.  Let  the  women  of  the  nation 
remember  that  they  can  do  more  for  the  nation  and  home  by 
casting,  without  crude  ostentation  or  boasting  display,  their 
honest  and  conscientious  ballot  on  behalf  of  right,  and  con- 
tinuing in  their  accustomed  home  functions.  They  will  fail 
in  the  good  they  hope  to  do  if  they  surrender  their  noble  and 
modest  femininity  to  a  rude  masculine  assimilation.  No  woman 
can  imitate  man  without  infringing  the  laws  of  her  nature. 
A  woman  simulating  man  is  no  more  woman  than  a  man  is 
man  who  simulates  woman.  Each  sex  has  its  peculiar  mental 
attitude,  and  cannot  violate  this  attitude  without  becoming 
largely  an  un-sexed  monstrosity.  The  hope  has  been  universally 
entertained  that  woman  would  add  her  gentle  feminine  virtues 
to  the  force  of  her  honest  ballot,  and  thus  lift  our  political 
atmosphere  out  of  the  corrupting  miasma,  in  which  it  now 
finds  itself,  into  a  loftier  and  more  exalted  purity,  and  thus 
surround  the  election  with  an  air  of  sanctity.  But  she  cannot 
do   this   unless   she   remains   woman — ^unless   she   retains   the 


102  AMEEICAN    PEINCIPLES 

simple  purity  and  inviting  enlightenment  of  her  true  feminine 
nature.  Efforts  will  be  made  to  induce  her  to  invade  every  field 
of  masculine  activity — even  to  the  degrading  masculine  sports 
of  the  times — and  if  she  yields,  all  is  lost,  for  instead  of  receiv- 
ing the  aid  of  her  present  uplifting  power  in  our  labor  to  better 
our  government  for  ourselves  and  posterity,  we  shall  be  com- 
pelled to  contend  with  an  additional  corrupting  political  force 
in  our  national  life,  whose  consequences  the  wisest  statesmen 
cannot  foresee. 

0,  enfranchised  womanhood  of  America,  do  not  forget  that 
thou  still  art  woman — after  all,  the  noblest  work  of  God — and 
that  thy  natural  and  invincible  empire  lies  about  the  home  and 
its  sacred  fireside!  Do  not  surrender  those  gentle  and  kindly 
virtues,  to  which  all  the  world  in  all  ages  has  bowed  the  knee 
in  truest  admiration,  or  yield  the  sublime  purity  of  thy  former 
days,  which  shone  like  a  sun  in  the  night  of  masculine  incon- 
gruity, to  the  debasing  and  sensuous  influences  which  tend 
to  hem  us  in  today !  To  thee  we  appeal  to  still  carry  aloft  the 
light  of  the  saving  grace  of  purity,  and  entreat  thee  not  to  ex- 
tinguish this  guiding  light  in  the  perilous  darkness  which  now 
obscures  our  way! 


THE  POLICY  OF  INTERNATIONAL 
FAIRNESS 

The  frankest  fairness  should  be  practiced  among  nations. 
No  nation  has  any  right  to  meddle  in  the  domestic  affairs  of 
its  neighbor.  This  applies  to  ourselves  as  well  as  to  others. 
Unless  actively  and  positively  damaged  thereby,  the  management 
of  our  neighbor's  business  does  not  concern  us.  Favorite- 
nation  clauses  only  result  in  injustice,  and  lead  away  from  peace 
in  the  direction  of  war.  It  is  only  by  being  just  ourselves  that 
we  have  the  right  to  expect  justice  from  others.  Fairness  to 
all  and  favors  to  none  should  characterize  our  international 
relations. 

But  there  are  forces  in  our  country  which  run  counter 
to  these  plain  axioms  of  right.  The  chief  of  these  are  involved 
in  the  so-called  Irish  Question.  Eight  principles  only  should 
be  our  guide  in  all  matters.  We  cannot  afford  to  imperil  our 
sympathies  by  hanging  them  upon  the  fragile  support  of  in- 
justice. If  we  are  to  respect  these  sympathies  in  the  future  we 
must  so  guard  them  that  we  shall  not  be  shamed  when  con- 
fronted with  them. 

No  true  American  can  view  with  unconcern  the  increasing 
chilliness  in  the  friendly  relations  between  our  own  country 
and  the  British  Empire.  The  threatened  break  in  this  tradi- 
tional friendship  appears  to  become  more  ominous  from  month 
to  month  as  interested  parties  drive  the  wedge  of  hostility  more 
deeply  between  the  two  nations.  Much  of  this  untoward  in- 
fluence is  attributable  to  agencies  of  foreign  source.  How  long 
shall  we  as  Americans  countenance  the  interference  of  foreign 
agitators?  All  true  Americans,  whatever  their  descent,  must 
realize  sooner  or  later,  if  they  do  not  already,  that  none  of  the 
foreign  propagandists  as  such  have  any  right  to  be  in  the 
country.  This  is  especially  true  of  the  leaders  of  propagandism. 
It  must  be  evident  to  the  most  casual  observer  that  they  do 
not  come  to  serve  American  interest.  Each  has  his  own  special 
object  to  accomplish,  and  expects  to  accomplish  it  at  the  ex- 
pense of  America. 

103 


104  AMEEICAN    PEINCIPLES 

It  is  reasonably  well  known  to  observant  men  that  the  Irish 
Question,  in  its  present  aspect,  is  primarily  one  of  religion. 
The  Irish  Protestants  of  North  Ireland  fear  the  domination  of 
the  Irish  Catholics  of  South  Ireland,  hence  the  present  impasse. 
With  the  merits  of  this  phase  of  the  controversy  we  are  not 
concerned.  But  the  so-called  president  of  the  so-called  Irish 
Eepublic  whose  capital  is  in  South  Ireland,  visits  our  shores 
in  the  interest  of  his  so-called  republic.  He  comes  to  appeal 
to  Irish  Catholic  sentiment  in  America  against  Irish  Protestant 
sentiment  in  Ireland.  This  must  be  his  purpose  if  he  has  any 
motive  at  all,  and  we  cannot  reasonably  charge  this  gentleman 
with  the  idleness  of  a  pleasure  visit  at  this  time  to  the  western 
continent.  Is  it  not  easy  to  foresee  the  consequences  of  such 
agitation?  Is  it  not  practically  certain  to  accentuate  our  reli- 
gious differences?  And  is  it  not  equally  certain  to  intensify 
the  present  spirit  of  unrest  in  America,  and  correspondingly 
encourage  all  the  specious  doctrines  of  radicalism?  Then, 
there  is  another  possibility  growing  out  of  this  agitation.  How 
long  will  the  friendly  people  of  Britain  tolerate  our  meddle- 
some attitude?  When  will  their  patience  reach  the  breaking 
point?  Already  serious  protests  are  heard,  and  they  are  not 
all  from  obscure  sources  either.  What  would  be  our  situation 
if  Britain  grew  weary  of  this  inimical  agitation  and  issued  an 
ultimatum  for  its  immediate  suppression  ?  This  is  by  no  means 
an  unusual  course  between  nations  where  the  question  of  na- 
tional honor  or  territorial  integrity  is  involved.  What  would 
likely  be  the  result  of  such  a  British  move  ?  We  should  probably 
witness  the  humiliating  spectacle  of  an  obsequious  congress, 
especially  the  senate,  busying  itself  to  repudiate  all  meddle- 
some intentions,  and  issuing  a  peremptory  order  for  the  prompt 
return  of  these  propagandists  to  their  home  shores.  But,  in 
the  meantime,  what  would  be  our  resultant  attitude?  What, 
but  that  of  a  meddlesome  and  timorous  nation,  confessing  its 
wrong  and  seeking  escape  from  its  dilemma.  We  fear  nothing 
when  we  are  right,  but  it  is  just  this  character  that  makes  us 
dread  to  be  drawn  into  an  unrighteous  war. 

An  attempt  has  been  made  by  some  to  draw  an  analogy 
between  Ireland  and  Cuba,  as  indicating  a  reason  for  our  in- 


POLICY    OP   INTEENATIONAL   FAIENESS      105 

tervention  in  the  interest  of  the  former  island;  but  the  sug- 
gested analogy  is  entirely  inapplicable.  Cuba  is  at  our  very 
door  and  groaned  under  the  oppressive  heel  of  a  master  who 
from  time  immemorial  was  notoriously  cruel.  But  Ireland  is 
more  than  two  thousand  miles  distant  and  ruled  by  one  of  the 
most  humane  peoples  of  the  earth,  whom  we  ourselves  have 
largely  imitated  in  our  provincial  governments.  It  is  also 
interesting  to  note  in  this  connection  that  the  British  Empire, 
in  its  true  essence,  is  a  federation  of  independent  States,  each 
enjoying  a  most  liberal  home  rule  and  being  only  required  to 
recognize  the  head  of  the  system  and  receiving  in  return  its 
protection.  These  states  wore  not  all  free  on  entering  the  im- 
perial union,  but  have  since  become  so.  Even  India  is  becom- 
ing more  independent  as  from  year  to  year  her  government  falls 
more  and  more  into  the  hands  of  her  own  people.  This  has 
been  the  universal  policy  of  the  British  government  for  more 
than  a  century.  The  result  is  that  harmony  prevails  today 
everywhere  in  this  federation,  except  in  India  where  enemy 
propagandists  are  at  work,  and  in  Ireland  where  the  people 
aspire  to  absolute  independence  or  national  sovereignty  with 
all  its  attending  responsibilities. 

One  of  our  most  noted  publicists  once  declared  that  no 
question  is  ever  settled  until  it  is  settled  right,  and  he  may 
have  added  by  way  of  emphasis  that  no  question  is  ever  settled 
right  until  it  is  settled  in  full  accord  with  the  principle  of 
justice  and  to  the  satisfaction  of  all  interests  concerned.  The 
proper  settlement  of  any  question  presupposes,  therefore,  an 
unbiased  study  of  all  interests  involved.  It  must  be  candidly 
considered  and  fairly  approached  from  every  direction.  In  no 
other  manner  may  its  full  bearings  be  reached.  The  Irish 
Question  forms  no  exception  to  the  rule,  and  to  assist  in  set- 
tling it  right,  we  must  study  carefully  and  conscientiously  all 
interests  concerned.  These  interests  are  threefold:  Our  own, 
those  of  Great  Britain,  and  those  of  Ireland.  Only  the  salient 
facts  connected  with  these  several  interests  may  be  suggested 
here.  The  details  must  be  elaborated  by  the  earnest  student 
at  his  leisure. 

In  arriving  at  a  just  decision  as  to  our  course  in  this  great 


106  AMEKICAN    PEINCIPLES 

controversy,  we  must  not  only  take  cognizance  of  the  material 
interests  of  ourselves  and  the  contending  peoples,  but  keep  con- 
stantly in  mind  the  moral  obligations  entering  into  the  ques- 
tion. Otherwise,  we  would  subvert  the  very  principles  upon 
which  we  may  hope  to  base  a  permanent  and  just  settlement 
of  the  subject  at  issue. 

What,  then,  do  our  material  interests  in  this  settlement 
demand?  Clearly,  that  Ireland  and  Britain  shall  be  at  peace 
and  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  fullest  prosperity  and  content- 
ment. Social  and  commercial  intercourse  with  these  peoples 
is  possible  in  no  other  manner  than  through  the  normal  chan- 
nels of  peace.  If  we  are  to  profit  by  their  industry,  and  they 
by  ours,  peace  must  prevail.  The  destructive  forces  of  war 
are  incompatible  with  the  happiness  and  prosperity  of  nations. 
Britain  and  Ireland  may  not  hope  to  evade  the  inexorable  law 
of  nature. 

Our  moral  obligations  demand  the  staunchest  justice  to  both 
sides  in  this  controversy,  remembering  that  our  nation  owes 
its  founding  to  the  brave  and  courageous  men  and  women  of 
Britain,  who  in  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries  braved 
the  perils  of  land  and  sea  to  erect  the  rude  hamlets  along  the 
Atlantic  coast,  which  were  the  promise  of  the  great  democracy 
of  today,  under  whose  flag  we  enjoy  the  blessings  of  political 
and  religious  liberty.  To  these  British  colonies  subsequently 
came  other  immigrants  from  Europe  and  Ireland,  who  in  after 
years  aided  materially  in  the  acquirement  of  colonial  inde- 
pendence. 

Since  the  founding  of  the  Eepublic,  Irish  immigrants  from 
time  to  time  have  made  their  homes  in  the  United  States  where 
they  have  been  most  cordially  and  graciously  received.  But 
these  migrations  were  entirely  voluntary.  They  came  of  their 
own  accord,  and  their  coming  involved  no  moral  obligations  on 
our  part  save  that  of  hospitality  to  the  stranger.  Thenceforth, 
the  credit  balance  was  in  our  favor.  We  owed  no  more  to 
the  Irishman  than  to  the  Briton,  the  Scot,  the  German,  the 
Frenchman,  the  Hollander,  the  Swede,  or  the  national  of  any 
other  country.  These  several  peoples  aided  alike  in  the  build- 
ing of  the  nation.     We  are  no  more  obligated  to  one  than  to 


POLICY    OF   INTEENATIONAL    FAIENESS      107 

another.  All  were  received  with  the  same  favor,  and  none  had 
the  right  to  claim  or  expect  partial  treatment.  The  benev- 
olent treatment  which  the  Irish  immigrants  received  at  Our 
hands  throws  the  obligations  to  their  side  of  the  balance  sheet. 
When  they  came  to  America  and  swore  fidelity  to  the  American 
flag,  they  thereby  disavowed  all  further  allegiance  to  Ireland 
and  her  associates  of  the  British  Empire.  Thus,  when  they 
became  Americans,  they  ceased  to  be  Irishmen  or  Britishers.  'No 
man  can  be  a  citizen  of  two  countries  at  the  same  time.  There 
never  was  asserted  a  more  absurd  and  dangerous  doctrine  than 
that  of  a  divided  allegiance.  If  a  man  may  claim  two  countries, 
he  may  claim  any  number,  which  is  equivalent  to  saying  he 
has  none.  When  a  foreigner,  it  matters  not  whence  he  comes, 
becomes  a  naturalized  citizen  of  the  United  States,  he  assumes 
all  the  responsibilities  of  citizenship  and  must  think,  act,  and 
live  in  accordance  therewith.  In  other  words,  he  must  cease 
looking  through  foreign  glasses  and  see  through  American  only. 
He  must  take  the  American  viewpoint  or  be  unfaithful  to  his 
adopted  country,  and  in  that  case  manly  pride  and  candor  would 
dictate  his  departure  from  it.  This  is  axiomatic  and  needs  no 
argument. 

Today  our  obligation  to  Ireland,  as  it  would  be  to  any 
people  similarly  situated,  is  to  assist  her  in  her  material  and 
intellectual  aspirations  as  far  as  we  may  be  able  without  in- 
terfering with  the  political  relations  between  herself  and  her 
suzerain.  This  is  a  matter  that  must  be  settled  by  herself 
and  Britain.  She  is  a  member  of  the  British  Empire,  and  her 
case  is  a  purely  domestic  one.  No  outside  people  have  the  right 
to  interfere.  They  may  only  tender  both  contending  parties 
their  best  offices  in  arriving  at  a  fair  settlement  of  the  dif- 
ficulties involved,  but  further  than  this  they  may  not  proceed. 

Ireland's  moral  obligation  to  us  is  to  show  appreciation  for 
the  friendly  welcome  her  people  have  always  received  on  our 
shores,  and  for  the  social,  material,  and  political  advancement 
many  of  them  have  enjoyed.  She  cannot  claim  credit  for  what 
her  descendants  have  done  in  America.  The  citizen  does  not 
honor  his  country  by  his  service  thereto,  however  great  it  may 
have  been;  but  his  country  honors  him  in  the  trust  it  has 


108  AMEEICAN    PEINCIPLES 

placed  in  him.  No  citizen  may  truly  claim  credit  for  doing 
what  was  his  plain  duty  to  his  country.  Ireland  also  owes  it 
to  us  to  prohibit,  as  far  as  she  may  be  able,  the  attempts  of 
her  propagandists  to  mold  public  opinion  in  the  United  States 
to  their  political  purposes  through  substituting  their  own  views 
for  the  honest  convictions  of  our  people.  She  should  be  sat- 
isfied with  the  benefactions  we  have  rendered  her,  and  not 
presume  too  far  upon  the  pro-Irish  sentiment  she  may  feel  she 
has  established  for  the  execution  of  her  political  designs.  This 
is  neither  fair  nor  friendly. 

Our  moral  obligation  to  Britain  is  to  assist  her  as  a  friend 
and  co-laborer  in  the  work  of  advancing  civilization,  and  to 
maintain  toward  her  an  attitude  of  unbiased  justice.  The 
two  unpleasantnesses  we  had  with  her  have  not  prevented  her 
doing  us  yeoman  service  on  repeated  occasions.  ISTeither  should 
we  forget  that  in  the  service  we  recently  rendered  her,  she  was 
only  a  participant  in  a  service  we  rendered  ourselves  and  the 
world.  The  benefits  she  derived  from  our  successes  in  the 
great  war  were  not  hers  alone;  nor  should  they  lead  us  to 
assume  the  right  to  meddle  in  her  internal  affairs.  Our  atti- 
tude should  be  that  of  a  friendly  coadjutor  in  her  efforts  to 
settle  the  unfortunate  difficulties  which  have  arisen  in  her 
great  family  of  states,  and  not  as  a  weak  and  wavering  friend 
led  away  by  the  specious  arguments  of  others. 

And  Britain  owes  it  to  us  to  continue  that  confidence  in 
us  that  past  relations  justify.  For  generations  she  has  had 
no  firmer  friend  than  ourselves,  and  this  has  recently  been  con- 
firmed by  the  sacrifice  of  our  best  blood  and  treasure  in  the 
common  cause  for  which  we  fought.  Let  her  continue  to  join 
hands  with  us  in  the  common  effort  to  work  out  our  racial 
and  national  destinies,  and  to  contribute  our  due  proportions 
to  the  growth  and  development  of  the  world^s  benevolent  spirit. 

Britain  owes  it  to  Ireland  to  grant  her  the  largest  measure 
of  liberty  required  in  her  normal  development,  and  to  prove 
by  unstinted  magnanimity  her  purity  of  motive  and  purpose 
toward  her  ward  and  associate.  In  politics,  religion,  education, 
and  material  advancement,  she  should  piirsue  a  most  impartial 
course  toward  all  the  Irish  people,  assisting  all  factions  equally 


POLICY    OF   INTEEN^ATIONAL    FAIENESS      109 

and  favoring  none.  By  pursuing  this  course  and  giving  Ireland 
the  broadest  measure  of  home-rule  independence,  Britain  will 
declare  before  the  world  her  whole-hearted  wish  to  serve  all  her 
peoples  fairly  and  equally  as  they  may  able  to  safely  apply 
the  liberty  thus  granted. 

Ireland,  on  her  part,  owes  much  to  her  great  suzerain.  How 
could  she  survive  without  the  protection  of  Britain  ?  How  help- 
less she  would  be  without  British  support.  Let  her  be  fair  and 
faithful  to  her  protectress  and  so  act  as  to  deserve  her  full  con- 
fidence, and  it  cannot  be  reasonably  doubted  that  she  will  be 
favored  in  return.  Let  her  enter  most  cordially  into  good-will 
relations  with  her  great  suzerain,  remembering  that  as  Britain 
cannot  be  happy  with  Ireland  constantly  battling  at  the  Castle 
gate,  neither  can  Ireland  sleep  safely  and  soundly  under  the 
continued  roar  of  the  British  lion. 

It  is  our  close  relationship  with  the  two  peoples  concerned 
in  this  contention  that  makes  the  subject  one  of  great  moment 
to  us.  It  requires  very  delicate  handling  by  those  who  have 
it  in  charge.  The  Irish  Question  is  the  only  one  likely  by  care- 
less bungling  to  lead  to  a  casus  belli  between  ourselves  and 
Britain  and  her  allies,  and  it  behooves  us  as  a  nation  to  be  ex- 
ceedingly circumspect  in  our  dealings  with  these  two  peoples,  if 
we  hope  to  escape  the  hatred  of  one  or  both.  We  cannot  actively 
favor  Irish  political  aspirations  without  deeply  offending  Brit- 
ain. The  absolute  independence  of  Ireland  in  the  present  state 
of  the  world^s  thought  is  not  reasonably  to  be  expected.  Is  it 
to  be  imagined  for  a  moment  that  Britain  will  surrender  Ireland 
without  a  struggle?  It  is  no  more  likely  that  she  would  do 
so  than  that  we  would  surrender  one  of  our  states  or  provinces 
under  foreign  duress.  The  sovereignty  of  Ireland,  under  amic- 
able arrangement,  would  be  a  very  desirable  finale  to  the  present 
contention,  but  Irish  sovereignty  acquired  by  violence  is  impos- 
sible, especially  if  America  is  expected  to  furnish  the  violence. 
But  even  supposing  Ireland  should  conquer  her  absolute  in- 
dependence, how  long  would  she  be  able  to  retain  it,  situated  as 
she  is  within  the  poisonous  breath  of  her  great  enemy?  How 
would  it  be  possible  for  her  to  prosper  and  develop  under  the 
withering  frown  of  her  former  great  associate?     Would  not 


110  AMEEICAN    PEINCIPLES 

the  natural  sapping  power  of  her  great  neighbor  gradually  rob 
her  of  every  vestige  of  her  vaunted  independence?  And  what 
nation  would  be  likely  to  imperil  the  peace,  safety,  and  happi- 
ness of  its  people  by  sitting  in  perpetual  vigilance  over  the  inde- 
pendence of  Ireland? 

Already  a  dark  and  angry  nimbus  hangs  over  our  horizon. 
It  is  as  yet  scarcely  perceptible,  but  it  is  there,  and  ever  and 
anon  the  fierce  flashes  from  its  ragged  rim  proclaim  the  ferocity 
of  its  sinister  character.  This  is  no  chimera  of  the  imagination, 
but  observant  and  reflective  men  may  easily  behold  it.  It  is  the 
Irish  Question  fraught  with  all  its  possibilities.  Let  our  people 
take  warning  before  it  is  too  late.  Let  them  beware  of  the 
solicitations  of  alien  propagandists  whose  seductive  arguments 
lead  only  to  a  labyrinth  of  disasters. 

But  these  propagandists  care  little  about  the  consequences 
of  their  activities  among  our  people,  so  long  as  they  accomplish 
their  political  purposes.  This  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  while 
our  President  was  overtaxing  his  strength  and  risking  his  health 
in  the  defense  of  the  Peace  Treaty  and  the  League  of  Nations, 
these  propagandists  of  a  foreign  socalled  republic  were  pro- 
claiming throughout  our  nation  against  the  advisability  of  its 
entrance  into  these  international  relations,  largely  because  they 
despised  Britain  for  her  prompt  action  in  suppressing  their 
pro-enemy  and  disloyal  course  during  the  war.  All  reasonable 
men,  even  intelligent  Irishmen,  must  realize  that  the  disloyal 
element  of  her  people  injured  Ireland's  struggle  for  a  broader 
liberty. 

As  for  us,  let  us  act  the  part  of  wisdom.  What  right  have  we, 
whatever  our  sympathies,  to  interfere  in  the  course  of  these 
Irish  factions,  or  to  intervene  in  the  domestic  affairs  of  a  friend- 
ly ally?  Why  not  allow  the  interested  peoples  to  solve  their 
problems  in  their  own  way?  Why  should  we  assume  to  impose 
our  dictum  upon  them  ?  Would  we  tolerate  such  action  by  oth- 
ers? Have  we  so  proudly  and  successfully  settled  all  our  own 
problems  that  we  can  now  afford  to  lend  other  peoples  the  light 
of  our  fathomless  wisdom? 

And  yet  these  propagandists  are  allowed  to  pursue  their  way 
unmolested   and,  in  some  localities,   even  encouraged  by  the 


POLICY    OF    INTEENATIONAL    FAIRNESS      111 

authorities,  assailing  our  national  and  international  policies, 
and,  it  may  be,  laying  the  foundation  for  future  domestic  strife. 
Away  with  such  Americanism !  This  is  no  time  for  foreigners, 
it  matters  not  whence  they  come,  to  stir  up  intentional  or  un- 
intentional sedition  or  rebellion  among  our  people  on  behalf  of 
a  fanciful  political  entity,  which  as  yet  has  no  material  existence 
or  standing  in  the  world,  or  to  arouse  hostile  feelings  between 
ourselves  and  our  friendly  neighbors,  which  at  any  time  may 
bring  us  into  armed  conflict  with  them.  Hence,  as  an  American, 
I  assert  these  gentlemen  should  return  to  their  respective  do- 
mains, and  leave  us  undisturbed  to  solve  our  own  difficult  and 
pressing  problems. 

Many  of  us  have  large  percentages  of  Celtic  blood  in  our 
veins,  but  for  all  that  we  are  not  Irish,  Scottish,  or  Welsh,  but 
Americans,  and  such  we  should  be  happy  to  remain. 

Let  Ireland  reconcile  her  political  and  religious  factions  and, 
accepting  the  liberal  home  rule  Britain  is  ready  to  offer,  pro- 
ceed in  her  rational  and  normal  course  of  development  until  the 
arrival  of  the  happy  time  when  the  broadening  spirit  of  the 
world  shall  demand  the  perfect  liberty  of  every  people  to  pursue 
its  own  career  in  accordance  with  the  exigencies  of  its  destiny. 
But  it  is  safe  to  say  that  time  has  not  yet  arrived,  and  until  it 
does,  let  us  wisely  yield  to  the  necessities  of  the  present. 


THE  FEEDOM  OF  SPEECH  AND  PRESS 

Human  progress  is  possible  only  by  an  interchange  of  thought 
expressed  by  the  spoken  word  or  written  letter.  Through  this 
interchange  of  thought  new  ideas  are  formed  and  applied  to 
the  needs  of  man,  and  thus  the  race  proceeds  onward  in  its  mis- 
sion. There  can  be  no  more  certain  method  of  retarding  human 
development  than  the  suppression  of  free  speech  and  a  free  press. 
These  are  the  only  avenues  through  which  new  and  advanced 
thought  finds  expression  in  the  affairs  of  the  world.  To  restrain 
this  freedom  is  to  put  a  damper  on  human  hope  and  aspira- 
tion— ^to  confine  the  energies  of  man  within  certain  prescribed 
limits,  fixed  and  ordained  by  the  judgment,  good  or  bad,  of  in- 
terested forces.  The  surest  way  to  cure  an  evil  is  to  expose  it 
to  the  view  of  enlightened  thought;  for  thus  only  may  the  race 
advance  to  higher  stages  of  life. 

No  human  institution  is  perfect  in  its  nature;  hence  it  is 
an  inalienable  right  of  the  citizen  to  freely  discuss  and,  if  need 
be,  criticize  the  administrative  methods  of  applying  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  Constitution  in  our  collective  life,  since  it  is  only 
in  this  manner  that  governmental  improvement  may  be  reached. 
But  freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press  should  not  be  construed 
into  a  license  of  these  beneficent  agencies.  Where  this  freedom 
is  used  to  encourage  action  against  the  principles  of  the  Constitu- 
tion— against  what  is  clearly  righteous  policy,  what  has  been 
immemorially  recognized  and  accepted  as  ethically  just — it 
becomes  iniquitous  and  dangerous,  and  should  be  promptly  sup- 
pressed. It  is  only  benevolent  when  it  aims  at  progress  and 
advancement ;  it  is  malevolent  when  it  aims  at  violent  reaction- 
ism,  or  the  substitution  of  destructive  anarchy  for  orderly  gov- 
ernment. It  is  the  unquestionable  right  and  duty  of  government 
to  suppress  such  lawless  and  destructive  tendencies,  as  they  only 
attempt  to  hide  their  real  motives  under  the  garb  of  freedom. 
It  is  not  freedom  but  license  when  sane  and  wholesome  institu- 
tions and  principles  are  assailed  and  subverted  by  the  wild  and 
irresponsible  use  of  word  or  pen. 

But  speech  and  the  press,  under  proper  safeguards,  must 

112 


THE    FEEEDOM    OF    SPEECH    AND    FRESS     113 

be  free^  if  the  human  race  is  to  go  forward  in  its  development. 
No  interest  should  be  permitted  to  stifle  these  progressive  agen- 
cies, or  to  control,  subsidize,  or  otherwise  direct  them  along 
prescribed  and  special  channels  of  thought,  with  a  view  to  mold- 
ing public  opinion  for  ulterior  and  selfish  purposes.  Failure 
of  government  to  protect  these  beneficent  forces  can  but  result 
in  final  disaster  to  the  freedom  of  popular  institutions.  Gov- 
ernment should  pass  such  legislation  as  will  purify  and  augment 
the  educational  value  of  these  agencies  along  the  lines  of  their 
true  purposes  and  efforts  in  our  public  life ;  for  we  cannot  over- 
estimate their  power  for  good  or  evil. 

This  article  should  not  be  closed  without  an  earnest  appeal 
to  the  speaker,  wherever  he  may  be,  and  to  the  writer,  whatever 
form  his  work  may  take,  to  keep  uppermost  in  the  public  mind 
the  best  and  purest  thought.  How  quickly  and  relentlessly  we 
punish  the  man  who  can  be  bribed  to  poison  the  water  and  food 
supply  of  the  people — the  means  by  which  the  body  is  sustained 
— but  how  willingly  we  permit  men  to  pollute,  for  selfish  reasons, 
the  mental  and  spiritual  atmosphere,  in  which  the  people  daily 
live,  by  the  injection  of  all  kinds  of  corrupting,  defiling  and 
stifling  thought !  Why  the  protection  of  the  body  and  the  neg- 
lect of  the  mind  and  spirit  of  the  citizen  Such  a  course  is  sub- 
versive of  the  very  foundations  of  human  destiny.  What  a 
cruel  and  unpardonable  repudiation  of  a  public  responsibility ! 

Woe  to  the  speaker  or  the  writer  who  poisons  the  fountains 
of  huihan  hope!    ^ 


THE  PEOHIBITION    OF  PROFITEERING 

The  burdens  of  our  people,  inflicted  by  the  war-time  and 
after-war  profiteer,  are  almost  beyond  credibility.  It  is  ques- 
tionable whether  a  less  patient  and  law-abiding  people  would 
have  tolerated  them.  It  was  only  natural  that  war  needs  would 
cause  a  rise  in  the  cost  of  everything  we  use,  but  long  after  this 
emergency  has  past — long  after  the  war  has  ended  and  the  ex- 
cuse for  excessive  prices  has  vanished  with  it,  the  profiteer  is 
still  plying  his  selfish  methods.  Justice  and  right  to  such  a 
man  are  considered  obsolete. 

If  the  State  has  the  right  to  fix  the  rate  of  interest,  or  profit, 
on  borrowed  money,  why  has  it  not  the  right  to  fix  the  rate 
of  profit  on  the  manufacture  and  sale  of  commodities?  Why 
should  the  rate  of  interest,  or  profit,  on  money,  the  circulating 
medium  of  the  people,  be  fixed,  while  the  profit  rate  on  the 
manufacture  and  sale  of  merchandise,  which  is  intended  for 
popular  consumption  and  therefore  more  necessary  than  money, 
be  left  free  and  unrestrained?  Is  not  this  control  of  money 
interest  in  the  interest  of  the  people?  Why  is  not  control  as 
valuable  in  one  case  as  in  the  other?  And  where  this  control  is 
lacking,  are  not  the  people  harmed  in  the  one  case  as  in  the 
other?  Why  should  the  people  be  protected  against  usury  in 
interest  rates  and  left  at  the  mercy  of  the  usurer  in  mercantile 
profits?  Wherein  is  the  one  usurer  more  holy  than  the  other? 
Why  is  one  class  of  business  favored  at  the  expense  of  another  ? 
If  the  regulation  of  the  rate  of  interest,  or  profit,  on  borrowed 
money  is  right,  then  is  it  also  right  to  regulate  the  rate  of  profit 
on  the  manufacture  and  sale  of  commodities. 

Under  existing  conditions,  the  lender  of  money  is  penalized, 
and  rightly  too,  if  he  goes  beyond  the  legal  rate  of  interest, 
while  the  manufacturer  and  merchant  are  encouraged  to  realize 
from  one  hundred  to  one  thousaad  per  cent  on  their  sales — • 
as  much,  in  fact,  as  they  are  able  to  extort.  And  who  are  the 
sufferers  but  the  people,  in  the  one  case  as  in  the  other?  Both 
lines  of  business  incur  peril  and  possible  loss,  yet  one  is  limited 
and  restrained,  while  the  other  is  scot  free. 

114 


THE    PEOHIBITION    OF   PEOFITEEEING       115 

If  it  is  lawful  and  right,  and  no  one  doubts  it,  to  regulate  the 
interest  or  profits,  on  money  loans,  in  the  interest  of  the  peo- 
ple, it  is  equally  lawful  and  right  to  regulate  profits  derived  from 
the  manufacture  and  sale  of  commodities,  in  their  interest.  In. 
neither  case  should  these  profits  be  excessive.  And  as  the  inter- 
est rates  should  vary  with  the  living-cost  in  various  sections  of 
the  country,  so  the  mercantile  and  manufacturing  profits 
should  vary  in  the  same  manner  and  for  the  same  reason.  When 
the  living-cost  in  any  particular  region  of  the  country  is  high, 
the  profits  from  money  loans  and  from  commodity  manufac- 
ture and  sales  should  be  correspondingly  high,  but,  in  no  case, 
out  of  proportion  to  the  wages  earned  and  the  compensation 
granted  the  various  classes  of  service. 

Every  citizen  must  derive  his  livelihood  from  his  vocation, 
whether  he  be  a  money  lender,  manufacturer,  or  merchant,  but 
he  should  not  be  permitted  to  impoverish  his  fellow  citizens,  in 
order  to  lay  up  idle  wealth — wealth  accumulated  beyond  his 
legitimate  needs.  Of  what  value  can  it  be  to  him,  if  he  cannot 
use  it?  If  it  leads  him  into  a  riotous  and  luxurious  life,  fatal 
to  his  nobler  self,  what  real  good  can  come  to  him  from  its  pos- 
session? The  answer  is  simple.  If  he  cannot  use  it  in  the 
satisfaction  of  his  legitimate  daily  wants  or  the  wants  of  others, 
the  inborn  selfishness  of  human  nature  will  lead  him  to  use  it 
to  the  disadvantage  of  some  one  else ;  for  what  he  gains  through 
it  must  be  taken  from  others — sometimes  to  their  utter  ruin. 
The  charities  of  such  a  man  may  not  serve  as  an  excuse  for  his 
continued  accumulation  of  wealth,  since  as  a  rule  they  are  a 
mere  bagatelle  in  comparison  with  his  real  possessions. 

Let  the  government  regulate  manufacturing  and  mercantile 
profits  as  it  does  money  interest,  or  profits,  and  penalize  with 
imprisonment  any  citizen  who  infringes  the  law.  The  fine  sys- 
tem will  fail,  as  the  fine  will  be  paid  and  the  practice  go  on  as 
before.  Imprisonment  is  the  only  punishment  that  will  restrain 
the  profiteer. 

Many  of  these  men  are  otherwise  good  citizens.  They  are 
the  product  of  a  bad  system  of  education  and  governmental 
training.  Had  they  been  properly  educated  against  such  selfish 
impulses  and  practices,  and  rigorously  restrained  by  government, 


116  AMEEICAN    PKINCIPLES 

the  people  would  have  suffered  far  less  and  been  far  happier,  and 
we  probably  would  have  heard  far  less  of  discontent  and  unrest. 

A  government  which  really  intends  to  govern  will  not 
continue  to  tolerate  such  practices  against  the  just  rights  of  the 
people.  It  will  proceed  to  regulate  business  profits  by  restoring 
the  full  action  of  the  natural  laws  of  trade  and,  if  this  fails, 
will  take  such  action  as  will  afford  industry  a  net  profit  not 
greater  than  the  legal  rate  of  interest  on  money  in  the  state  of 
its  domicile,  grant  wages  proportionate  to  the  reasonable  needs 
of  labor,  and  prevent  the  exploitation  of  the  people  through 
the  imposition  of  ruinous  prices.  It  will  also  penalize  excessive 
salaries,  as  these  are  frequently  resorted  to  to  deceive  the  public. 
It  will,  in  no  case,  allow  net  profits  above  double  the  legal  rate 
of  interest;  in  which  case,  one  half  are  to  go  to  the  capital  in- 
vested, the  other  going  to  the  labor  which  created  it. 

There  need  be  no  apprehension  regarding  ready  money  to  de- 
velop our  natural  resources.  The  frugality  and  economy,  which 
are  inborn  in  a  certain  proportion  of  our  people,  will  enable  the 
citizen  to  save  enough  of  his  regulated  profits  to  join  with  his 
neighbor  in  the  sane  and  wholesome  development  of  the  nation^s 
resources. 


POPULAR  ETHICS 

Man  is  not  the  product  of  evolutionary  accident.  The  mys- 
terious wisdom  displayed  in  his  wondrous  organic  constitution 
and  in  his  highest  mental  and  moral  attributes  proclaim  his 
spiritual  source.  The  specious  doctrine  of  Darwin,  though  still 
ostensibly  adhered  to  by  the  majority  of  modern  scientists,  is 
gradually  crumbling  into  decay.  Many  of  our  most  advanced 
scientists  of  today,  if  bold  enough  to  put  aside  fashion  and  de- 
clare their  true  views,  would,  it  is  believed,  confess  doubt  regard- 
ing the  truth  of  this  materialistic  doctrine;  while  such  stalwart 
authorities  as  Le  Conte,  Dawson,  Stalgle,  Lyell,  Yirchow,  Dana, 
Winchell,  Kloatsch,  Mivart,  Max  Miiller  and  others,  long  ago 
declared  it  untenable. 

The  proponents  of  organic  evolution,  as  Darwin  conceived  it, 
are  wont  to  refer  to  the  savage  as  an  example  of  the  early  human 
product  of  the  evolutionary  forces.  But  as  the  savage  possesses 
all  the  faculties  of  civilized  man,  in  an  undeveloped  state,  only 
requiring  experience  to  bring  them  out,  it  follows  that  he  did 
not  evolve  these  faculties  but  inherited  them.  This  would  in- 
dicate that  this  backward  man  is  a  degenerate  or  neglected  scion 
of  a  once  finer  race.  And  this  view  is  confirmed  by  Max  Miiller, 
the  great  Oxford  savant,  when  he  propounds  the  following  query : 
"What  do  we  know  of  savage  tribes  beyond  the  last  chapter  of 
their  history  ?  Do  we  ever  get  an  insight  into  their  antecedents  ? 
How  have  they  come  to  be  what  they  are?  Their  language,  in- 
deed, proves  that  these  socalled  heathens,  with  their  complicated 
systems  of  mythology,  their  artificial  customs,  their  unintel- 
ligible whims  and  vagaries,  are  not  the  customs  of  today  or  yes- 
terday. They  may  have  passed  through  ever  so  many  vicissitudes, 
and  what  we  consider  primitive  may  be,  for  all  we  know,  a  cor- 
ruption of  something  that  was  more  rational  and  intelligible  in 
former  stages.^^  He  then  proceeds  to  say:  "Many  things  are 
still  unintelligible  to  us,  and  the  hieroglyphic  language  of 
antiquity  records  but  half  of  the  mind's  unconscious  intuitions. 
Yet  more  and  more  the  image  of  man,  in  whatever  clime  we  meet 
him,  rises  before  us,  noble  and  pure  from  the  very  beginning; 

117 


118  AMEEICAN    PEINCIPLES 

even  his  errors  we  learn  to  understand^  even  his  dreams  we  learn 
to  interpret.  As  far  as  we  can  trace  back  the  footsteps  of  man, 
even  on  the  lowest  strata  of  history,  we  see  the  divine  gift  of  a 
sacred  and  sober  intellect  belonging  to  him  from  the  very  first, 
and  the  idea  of  humanity  emerging  slowly  from  the  depths  of  an 
animal  brutality  can  never  be  maintained  again/^ 

Man  is  the  creature  of  Divine  Wisdom — perfect  in  his  mate- 
rial, mental  and  spiritual  constitution  but  undeveloped,  espe- 
cially in  the  two  last  phases  of  his  life.  He  possesses  all  the 
faculties  he  requires  to  enable  him  to  comply  with  all  the  laws 
of  these  three  phases  of  his  life,  and  to  work  out  his  destiny 
on  these  planes  of  activity;  but  what  gains  he  makes  in  this 
direction  must  be  achieved  by  incessant  and  earnest  endeavor. 
His  only  hope  of  future  progress  lies  in  obedience,  difficult  as 
this  may  be,  to  all  the  laws  of  his  threefold  nature,  especially 
those  which  control  his  ethical  constitution.  But  what  do  we 
find  to  be  the  real  situation  today?  Thoughtful  observation 
will  show  that  the  unethical  or  reactionary  forces  are  struggling 
into  ascendancy.  The  whole  ethical  fabric  of  civilization,  which 
the  race  through  ages  of  painful  toil  has  erected,  is  threatened 
mth  collapse.  On  every  side  we  behold  the  evidences  of  ethical 
decay.  The  individual  ignores  the  law  of  justice  and  right  in 
his  dealings  with  his  fellow,  while,  of  our  citizenry,  group  self- 
ishly antagonizes  group  as  the  conflict  for  cruel  exploitation 
goes  on.  Government,  reflecting  the  character  of  the  people, 
sluggishly  exercises  its  power  in  the  judicious  enactment  and 
enforcement  of  law ;  while  the  churches  and  educational  systems 
unholily  and  unwisely  measure  duty  in  terms  of  finance.  We 
have  come  at  last  to  the  worship  of  Mammon  instead  of  the  God 
of  our  fathers.  These  are  hard  and  cruel  but  indisputable  facts, 
and  their  continuance  will  eventually  lead  us  into  a  national 
debacle  whose  ruinous  effects  it  is  impossible  now  to  approxi- 
mately estimate.  We  stand  on  the  brink  of  the  abyss.  Shall 
we  be  able  to  save  ourselves?  is  the  question  at  present  in  the 
minds  of  thinking  men.  We  should  not  be  unduly  pessimistic, 
neither,  under  the  circumstances,  can  we  afford  to  be  foolishly 
optimistic.  The  conditions  which  now  face  us  are  not  fanciful 
but  real.    They  are  manifest  everywhere. 


POPULAE    ETHICS  119 

But  what  are  we  going  to  do  about  it?  What  course  shall 
we  take  to  escape  the  dilemma?  There  is  and  can  be  only  one 
answer  to  the  question.  We  must  return  to  the  old  truth.  We 
must  divest  it  of  the  sordid  habiliments  of  stupid  indifference 
we  have  thrown  about  it  and  reinstate  its  former  splendor. 
Let  every  citizen  return  to  the  simple  altruism  of  former  days — 
not^  perhaps,  to  the  same  manners,  customs  and  thoughts,  though 
this  would  be  preferable  to  our  present  tendency,  but,  at  least, 
to  the  same  noble  spiritual  impulses — to  the  same  kind,  gentle 
and  honest  promptings  of  the  heart.  In  our  rush  forward  to 
reach  a  cherished  objective,  we  have  left  behind  us  the  most 
valuable  of  our  possessions.  We  have  left  the  golden  urn  of 
truth  with  all  its  inestimable  treasure.  We  shall  need  it  on  the 
way,  whithersoever  our  course  shall  lead  us.  It  is  the  only 
currency  everywhere  indispensable.  Let  us  halt  in  our  mad 
speed  and  return  for  this  revivifying  medium,  and  use  it 
freely  in  the  exchanges  of  our  daily  life.  We  must  get  back  on 
the  thoroughfare  of  truth !  It  alone  leads  to  our  proper  destina- 
tion. 

Will  not  the  churches  and  educational  agencies  of  the  nation 
banish  the  lackadaisical  indifference  and  apparent  despair,  which 
now  paralyze  their  efforts,  and  once  again  enter  into  active  co- 
operation to  elevate  the  spiritual  and  mental  character  of  the 
people?  These  two  agencies  are  the  chief  constructive  forces 
in  the  nation  and,  with  the  home,  must  assume  a  proportionate 
responsibility  in  the  advancement  of  the  people — not  that  they 
must  invade  the  field  of  action  of  one  another,  but  that  they 
must  co-operate  and  mutually  assist  in  the  development  of  the 
people.  These  three  must  build  the  individual  character  which 
alone  can  sustain  government.  For  government  must  forever 
reflect  the  character  of  the  citizen.  The  character  of  the  people 
indicate  the  character  of  their  government,  while  the  character 
of  the  government  proves  the  character  of  the  people.  The  two 
are  inseparably  associated  in  the  relation  of  cause  and  effect. 
Government  as  an  effect  must  reflect  the  character  of  the  people 
as  a  cause.  As  the  people  are,  so  will  their  government  be. 
When  the  home,  church  and  school  fail  to  perform  their  full 
mission  in  the  elevation  of  individual  character,  the  citizenship 


120  AMEEICAN    PRINCIPLES 

of  the  nation  must  decline  until  it  finally  reaches  a  state  of 
intellectual  and  ethical  degeneracy,  in  which  democracy  becomes 
impossible.  We  are  now  traveling  this  road,  and  the  question 
uppermost  in  the  minds  of  thinking  people  is  whether  we  shall 
see  our  error  in  time  to  turn  from  it  before  it  is  too  late.  It 
will  require  a  most  determined  educational  propaganda  to  make 
us  see  the  light  again,  but  it  can  and,  I  believe,  will  be  done. 
The  home  must  return  to  its  responsiblity  and  purity;  the 
Church  must  again  take  up  the  practice  of  the  simple  faith 
of  the  fathers ;  and  the  schools  must  resume  their  former  sanity. 
Through  the  influence  of  these  three  agencies,  each  vocation  must 
be  made  to  feel  its  proper  responsibility  in  community  life. 

The  professional  man  must  be  fair  to  his  client,  and  refuse 
under  any  circumstances,  to  exploit  him.  He  must  show  his 
client  that  his  chief  aim  is  to  serve  him  faithfully  and  well,  and 
not  to  make  personal  gain  the  main  object  of  his  efforts.  The 
client,  on  his  part,  must  show  due  appreciation  for  honest  serv- 
ice, and  bestow  upon  his  benefactor  proper  consideration. 

The  business  man  must  put  aside  subterfuge  and  sharp  prac- 
tice in  his  dealings  with  his  patron,  and  give  him  a  square 
deal;  while  th6  patron  must  act  frankly  and  honestly  with  his 
dealer.  Cordial  and  fraternal  relations  between  the  two  should 
be  carefully  cultivated  so  as  to  create  confidence  in  place  of 
the  distrust  that  now  exists. 

The  employer  should  willingly  grant  his  employe  a  fair 
wage,  and  furnish  him  wholesome  environment  during  working 
hours.  He  must  cultivate  a  sympathy  for  his  less  fortunate  fel- 
low citizen,  and  remember  he  is  a  brother  laboring  in  the  com- 
mon cause  of  humanity.  It  would  be  better  for  both  interests  if 
some  form  of  co-operation  could  be  established  whereby  the  two 
could  enter  into  a  kind  of  partnership  and  share  in  the  profits, 
which  should  always  be  reasonable  and  never  excessive.  The 
employe,  on  his  part,  should  be  fair  and  faithful  to  his  em- 
ployer and  give  him  an  honest  day's  work.  If  he  has  sold  his 
brain  and  muscle  energy  to  his  employer  for  a  stated  time,  he 
must  honestly  deliver  it.  He  cannot  do  otherwise  without  tak- 
ing what  does  not  belong  to  him. 

The  merchant  should  never  rob  his  purchaser  by  exacting 
for  the  necessaries  of  life  exorbitant  prices,  nor  sell  to  him 


POPULAR   ETHICS  121 

inferior  goods  without  his  knowledge  of  their  real  character. 
He  should  present  a  most  pleasant  mien  to  his  purchasers, 
realizing  the  honor  the  purchaser  confers  upon  him  by  favoring 
his  establishment.  This  pleasant  attitude  should  not  be  made 
the  hypocritical  means  to  an  end,  but  should  be  natural  and 
spontaneous,  indicating  the  frankness  of  heart  which  prompts 
it.  The  purchaser,  on  his  part,  should  be  honest  with  his  mer- 
chant and,  according  to  agreement,  promptly  compensate  him 
for  goods  purchased.  He  should  always  be  above  fraudulent 
practices.  The  practice  of  deception  between  the  two  must 
finally  result  in  their  mutual  estrangement.  "When  the  busi- 
ness of  the  nation  returns  to  a  strictly  ethical  basis,  we  may 
hope  for  a  rapid  revival  in  domestic  and  foreign  comerce  and  a 
speedy  return  to  normal  prosperity.  We  cannot  violate  the  fun- 
damental laws  of  safe  business  and  expect  commerce  to  thrive. 

All  forms  of  popular  entertainment  should  cease  to  pander  to 
the  grosser  instincts  of  hum^n  nature,  and  present  only  those 
features  that  will  elevate  and  refine  character.  The  proprietors 
of  these  spectacles  should  never  permit  selfish  considerations 
to  induce  them  to  corrupt  the  public  morals.  To  present  to  the 
popular  mind,  especially  the  younger  element,  scenes  and  per- 
formances, which  poison  and  defile  character,  is  in  no  wise  better 
than  the  criminal  who  deliberately  poisons  his  victim.  Both 
act  from  selfish  motives.  All  forms  and  classes  of  public  enter- 
tainment should  be  clean  and  healthful.  They  are  not  only 
recreational  but  intensely  educational.  The  criminality  of  a 
nation  may  be  markedly  increased  or  diminished  by  the  char- 
acter of  its  popular  entertainments.  The  power  of  such  agencies 
for  good  or  evil  cannot  be  overestimated.  They  should,  there- 
fore, be  rigorously  censored,  and  not  in  the  perfunctory  manner 
observed  in  some  localities.  They  can  be  made  the  instruments 
for  disseminating  propaganda  of  the  loftiest  character,  or  for 
propaganda  of  the  most  ruinous  kind. 

When  all  agencies,  concerned  directly  or  indirectly  in  the 
education  of  the  people,  shall,  without  fear  or  favor,  be  forced 
by  government  to  recognize  their  responsibility  in  the  con- 
struction of  character  and  to  act  in  due  conformity  therewith, 
we  may  reasonably  hope  for  the  development  of  a  nobler  people 
and  a  better  nation. 


GOVERNMENTAL  CONTROL  OF 
DISTRIBUTING  AGENCIES 

The  products  of  the  nation  should  find  a  steady  and  even 
flow,  at  reasonable  cost,  from  the  hands  of  the  producer  through 
the  various  transportation  and  warehouse  facilities,  brokers  and 
merchants,  to  the  consumer.  All  these  factors  should  receive 
reasonable  compensation,  proportionate  to  the  service  rendered, 
and  none  should  be  allowed  a  disproportionate  share.  In  this 
way,  the  producer  would  receive  a  fair  return  on  his  labor,  and 
be  encouraged  and  enabled  not  only  to  increase  the  output  but 
improve  the  quality  of  his  product;  while  the  various  distrib- 
uting agencies  would  prosper  and  be  enabled  to  advance  their 
facilities. 

Under  present  conditions,  the  important  function  of  dis- 
tribution is  more  or  less  chaotic.  While  the  producer  is  pro- 
ducing as  much  or  even  more  than  formerly,  he  is  realizing 
such  small  returns  as  to  discourage  him  from  making  increased 
efforts.  Production  is,  therefore,  threatened  with  a  decrease 
at  a  time  when  greater  production  is  required.  The  transporta- 
tion facilities  are  burdened  with  the  expense  of  over-capitaliza- 
tion, and  are  unable,  after  paying  the  interest  on  their  bonded 
obligations  and  dividends  on  their  over-capitalized  stock,  to 
maintain  their  systems  in  normal  condition,  much  less  to  make 
extensions.  And  to  meet  these  heavy  demands,  they  are  tempted 
to  form  combines  or  understandings  whereby  they  exact  greater 
charges  for  service,  and  thus  pass  on  the  incubus  to  other  shoul- 
ders. The  great  expense  of  the  other  middle  agencies,  such  as 
the  brokers,  warehouse  men,  and  merchants,  growing  out  of 
the  increased  cost  of  living  and  the  extravagant  life  now  cus- 
tomary, compels  them  to  demand  unusual  compensation  for  their 
services  and  to  organize  themselves  to  secure  it. 

Thus,  the  extravagant  tendency  of  modern  life  and  the  in- 
flated and  unrestrained  selfishness,  reflected  in  every  class  of 
our  people,  have  conspired  to  exploit  and  victimize  the  consumer 
as  never  before  in  history.  All  interests  have  formed  some  sort 
of  organization,  efficient  or  inefficient,  except  the  consumer  who 
is  now  subjected  to  a  price-inflation  he  cannot  reach.     He  is 

122 


GOVERNMENTAL   CONTROL  123 

thus  compelled  to  restrict  his  demands  and  to  limit  his  pur- 
chases. But  when  he  does  this,  all  other  interests  react  and 
finally  recoil,  to  the  confusion  and  chaos  of  general  business. 

The  government  has  a  difficult  task  to  break  this  impasse. 
Will  it  be  able  to  do  so,  or  will  it  sit  still  and  await  the  collapse 
and  then  proceed  with  a  policy  of  reconstruction?  There  is 
every  reason  why  it  should  busy  itself  immediately  to  cut  the 
Gordian  knot.  Let  it  proceed  earnestly  to  investigate  the  situa- 
tion and  arrive  at  some  conception  of  efficient  action.  Away 
with  incompetent  investigations,  which  only  serve  to  appease 
the  impatience  of  the  people!  We  have  had  enough  of  them! 
Let  the  government  give  us  a  fair,  entirely  competent,  and  honest 
industrial  commission  that  will  unravel  this  knotty  problem,  and 
offer  some  useful  suggestion  as  to  its  prompt  solution.  But 
beyond  any  other  conclusion  at  which  such  a  commission  may 
arrive,  it  is  evident  that  the  government  should  rigorously  pro- 
hibit all  combinations  in  restraint  of  freedom  of  trade,  and  the 
undue  detention  in  warehouses  and  cold  storage  plants  of 
products  which  should  have  free  and  easy  access  to  the  con- 
sumer; and  enforce  all  such  laws  without  respect  to  person  or 
interest. 


THE   EELATIONS-  AND   RESPONSIBILITIES 
OF  AMERICAN  RACES 

When  the  White  Eace  established  itself  on  the  American 
Continent,  it  did  so  in  opposition  to  the  Red  Eace  already  oc- 
cupying the  territory.  Though  in  some  very  exceptional  cases 
involuntary  servitude  was  inflicted,  it  was  not  the  purpose  of  the 
liberty-loving  Caucausian  to  enslave  the  vanquished  race,  but 
rather  to  share  with  it  the  lands  it  had  failed  to  properly  use. 
Every  region  of  the  earth  is  preordained  to  contribute  to  the 
comfort  and  necessity  of  man.  The  American  Continent  af- 
forded no  exception  to  the  law,  and,  in  the  very  nature  of  things, 
its  broad  and  fertile  plains  could  not  remain  forever  fallow. 

In  after  years,  when  a  certain  adjustment  had  taken  place 
between  the  White  and  Eed  Eaces,  the  Black  Eace  was  imported 
into  the  continent  in  a  state  of  slavery,  and  in  this  condition  con- 
tinued for  several  centuries.  Under  the  influence  of  slave  labor 
all  sections  of  the  nation  prospered  directly  or  indirectly,  espe- 
cially in  the  South  where  the  climate  was  more  perfectly  adapted 
to  the  physical  welfare  of  the  slave;  and  here  the  institution  of 
slavery  flourished  as  nowhere  else  in  the  nation.  But  though 
profoundly  serviceable  to  the  nation  in  its  several  fields  of  in- 
dustry, slavery  from  the  beginning  was  doomed  to  extinction. 
It  was  fated  to  oblivion  from  the  very  day  of  its  arrival  on  our 
continent.  The  issue,  though  then  only  potential,  was  neverthe- 
less sharply  drawn.  The  Puritan  and  Cavalier  had  come  to  plant 
on  American  soil  the  bright  banner  of  freedom  and  not  the 
somber  ensign  of  slavery.  The  anomaly  of  slavery  in  a  free 
country  was  fated  to  overthrow.  Slavery  and  freedom  could  not 
be  mixed.  The  one  or  the  other  had  to  go.  Either  slavery  had 
to  die,  or  the  American  Constitution,  designed  for  the  govern- 
ment of  the  thirteen  independent  states,  had  to  change  from  an 
instrument  of  democratic  freedom  to  one  of  monarchical  des- 
potism. 

As  there  is  one  God,  so  there  is  one  common  destiny  for  all 
mankind — ^the  realization  of  the  greatest  perfection  and  the 
attainment  of  the  Supreme  Good — and  at  this  goal  every  race 

124 


EELATIONS    AND   EESPONSIBILITIES         125 

must  ultimately  arrive,  provided  it  strive  reasonably  and  well. 
Thus  while  the  races  present  different  attitudes,  according  to 
their  varying  physical,  mental  and  spiritual  constitution,  no  race 
enjoys  special  rights  and  privileges  under  the  Divine  Govern- 
ment. Each  was  created  with  the  same  physical,  mental  and 
spiritual  principles,  and  the  same  faculties  springing  therefrom; 
and  was  endowed  with  the  same  rights  to  full  opportunity  to 
work  out  its  own  destiny.  The  development  of  these  faculties 
has  varied  with  the  different  races,  but  the  faculties  themselves 
have  not  differed.  Thus,jfhere  are  characteristic  differences  in 
every  race,  which  distinguish  it  from  every  other,  but  these 
variations  are  of  character  alone.  It  is  these  peculiarities  which 
constitute  the  different  races  and  by  which  the  races  are  dis- 
tinctively marked.  When  they  disappear  in  the  race,  the  race  as 
such  also  disappears^>  When  the  race  deteriorates  under  unfa-  - 
vorable  conditions  of  environment,  it  may  finally  reach  the  level 
of  savage  life;  but  still  possesses  the  potentiality  of  development,, 
and  may  in  future  rise  again.  But  when  it  degenerates  as  the  .' 
result  of  its  own  failure  to  properly  use  its  powers  of  develop- 
ment, it  is  doomed  to  extinction  in  a  savage  life.  And  there 
seems  to  be  no  limit  to  its  physical,  mental  and  spiritual  degrada- 
tion. It  thus  finally  reaches  a  state  from  which  there  is  no 
reaction  or  restitution  and  then  rapidly  becomes  extinct.) 

It  is,  therefore,  a  matter  of  vital  importance  to  the  race  • 
to  preserve  and  develop  its  racial  characters?  The  fulfillment 
of  its  destiny  lies  here.  This  is  the  only  gate  through  which  it 
may  enter  into  the  full  realization  of  its  mission.  It  cannot 
fail  in  this  life-labor  without  failing  in  the  reason  for  its  ex- 
istence. While  destiny  is  the  same  for  every  race,  each  race  must 
reach  it  over  its  own  peculiar  pathway.  It  can  do  no  less  and 
comply  with  the  laws  of  its  nature. 

^Eor  these  various  reasons,  it  is  far  better  for  each  race  to 
occupy  its  own  territory.  In  this  way  only  may  it  best  pursue 
its  destiny  untrammeled.  But  where  circumstances  have  thrown 
together  a  plurality  of  races  in  the  joint  occupation  of  the 
same  territory,  as  often  happens,  and  compel  them  to  live  under 
the  same  laws,  the  laws  governing  this  area  should  be  drawn 
and  enforced  to  the  advantage  of  all.    All  such  legislation  should 


136  AMEEICAN    PEINCIPLES 

be  applied  to  the  equal  protection  and  advancement  of  all  the 
races  concerned.  But  as  each  citizen  of  the  democracy  has  the 
right  to  select  his  own  social  favorites  and  his  own  life  companion 
without 'interference  by  others,  so  each  race  has  the  right  to 
outline  its  own  social  career,  and  to  preserve  the  purity  of  its 
blood,  without  being  charged  with  injustice  and  cruelty  toward 
others.  These  two  rights  are  inalienable  and  therefore  inviolable 
in  every  man  and  in  every  race.  It  is  a  question  primarily  of 
race  right  and  privilege?^ 

In  view  of  the  foregoing  facts,  it  follows  as  a  natural  cor- 
ollary that  a  blending  of  the  races  can  but  result  in  final  injury 
to  all.  In  the  amalgamation  each  loses  its  racial  identity  in  the 
production  of  a  mixed  race,  which  is  chiefly  characterized  by  its 
mediocrity.  The  result  is  all  the  more  unfortunate  where  the 
races  vary  in  the  scale  of  development — the  injury  resulting  to 
the  more  backward  race  by  disturbing  the  normal  and  preor- 
dained course  of  its  development  through  the  interference  and 
imposition  of  forces  and  influences  not  its  own — to  the  more  ad- 
vanced race,  by  casting  impediments  across  the  pathway  of  its 
progress.  This  is  especially  true  where  the  advanced  race  is 
compelled  to  bear  the  burdens  of  the  backward  race,  even  though 
no  blending  takes  place.  But  in  blending,  both  have  violated 
the  law  of  nature — the  one  by  receiving  that  which  it  did  not 
labor  to  achieve,  the  other  by  failing  to  retain  what  it  had 
labored  to  accomplish.  The  more  backward  race  has  been  tempo- 
rarily elevated,  while  the  more  advanced  race  has  been  tem- 
porarily lowered.  Each  has  violated  its  divinely  imposed  obli- 
gation— ^the  less  advanced  race  by  accepting  that  to  which  it  was 
not  immediately  entitled  and  for  which  it  was  not  properly  pre- 
pared, the  more  advanced  race  by  bestowing  upon  another  what 
it  had  no  right  to  alienate.  Mutual  race  assistance  is  charity, 
but  mutual  race  sacrifice  is  retributive.  But  the  violation  in 
neither  case  can  endure.  The  natural  laws  of  development  of 
each  race  must  at  last  resume  their  operation.  Each  race, 
whether  alone  or  in  company  with  others,  must  tread  the  path  of 
its  own  ordination.    This  is  its  divinely  appointed  duty. 

Although  the  Black  Eace  was  introduced  to  our  continent  in 
a  condition  of  servitude,  the  inevitable  emancipation  at  last  took 


EELATIONS    AND   EESPONSIBILITIES         127 

place,  and  that  race  thenceforth  entered  upon  its  free  career — 
not  through  its  own  power  and  might,  but  through  the  broaden- 
ing altruism  of  the  White  Eace.  Now,  at  last,  the  three  races, 
the  White,  Eed  and  Black,  are  permitted  to  labor  along  more  or 
less  parallel  lines  in  the  efforts  to  carry  out  the  decrees  of  their 
respective  destinies.  They  have  since  lived  and  prospered  in  a 
common  country  under  a  common  law;  and  so  long  as  they  con- 
tinue in  joint  occupation  of  the  American  Continent,  justice 
and  harmony  must  characterize  their  mutual  relations,  if  the 
mandates  of  Divinity  in  respect  to  each  are  to  be  encouraged  and 
obeyed — each  race  enjoying  equal  protection  and  beneficence  un- 
der the  law  and  pursuing  its  own  peculiar  course  toward  the 
fulfillment  of  its  true  mission. 

jTt  must  be  evident,  then,  that  each  race,  while  living  its 
separate  life,  must  maintain  an  attitude  of  trust  and  justice 
toward  every  other.  Each  must  acknowledge  the  inalienable 
rights  of  every  other,  nor  seek  to  interfere  with  the  exercise 
thereof.  It  must  accord  to  every  other  all  the  essential  rights 
it  claims  for  itself.  In  no  other  way  may  it  hope  to  reach  its 
full  and  unhindered  development ;  for  when  it  attempts  to  inter- 
fere with  the  inalienable  rights  of  other  races,  it  infringes  the 
law  of  its  own  progress. 

Hence  any  studied  effort  to  defeat  the  ends  of  nature  by 
injecting  discord  into  inter-racial  relations  must  be  inimical  to 
every  racial  interest  concerned;  and  any  individual  or  group 
of  individuals,  who,  from  ambitious  or  selfish  considerations, 
seeks  to  pit  race  against  race  in  hostile  antagonism,  is  an  enemy 
to  mankind,  since  racial  welfare  would  be  sacrificed  to  selfish 
personal  or  group  interest.  The  nation,  serving  as  a  common 
home  and  protector  of  plural  races,  should  be  on  constant  guard 
against  such  nefarious  practices,  and  punish  with  perpetual  ban- 
ishment any  offender  overtaken  in  such  efforts  to  dismember  the 
democracy.  Further,  (it  should  institute  a  vigorous  educational 
propaganda,  to  the  end  that  each  of  its  races  may  understand 
its  responsibilities  to  itself  and  to  its  associated  races  in  the 
development,  support  and  defense  of  the  common  country.^  Nor 
should  any  race  suffer  itself  to  be  led  by  enemy  or  selfish  influ- 
ence into  hostile  sentiment  or  antagonism  toward  the  altruistic 


128  AMEEICAlSr    PEINCIPLES 

hegemony  of  the  predominant  race — ^the  race  to  which,  perhaps, 
the  country  owes  its  founding  and  early  life.  But  all  the  races 
must  harmoniously  co-operate  in  the  development  and  defense  of 
the  common  country;  for  only  by  so  doing  each  best  meets  its 
own  racial  requirements,  while  contributing  its  due  proportion 
of  effort  toward  the  common  welfare.  No  other  logical  course 
is  left  open  to  intelligent  races  of  men. 


THE  CARE  OF  THE  EX-SOLDIER 

The  ex-soldier  can  never  receive  too  much  consideration  from 
the  people  he  so  faithfully  served.  As  in  the  case  of  the  veteran 
of  the  World  War,  leaving  home  and  family  and^  in  most  in- 
stances, good  prospects  for  a  profitable  future,  he  willingly 
answered  his  country's  call,  and  offered  all  upon  its  altar.  What 
greater  sacrifice  could  he  make  ?  After  months  of  arduous  train- 
ing, he  embarked  for  a  foreign  shore  and  there  entered  into 
battle  for  his  nation's  rights  and  the  safety  of  the  world.  Day 
after  day,  month  after  month,  and  year  after  year,  without  the 
comforts  of  home  and  with  only  the  scant  necessities  of  his 
perilous  life,  he  faced  shot  and  shell  and  the  deafening  roar  of 
countless  artillery,  underwent  the  scourge  of  pestilence,  the  un- 
dermining effects  of  foreign  climate,  and  the  paralyzing  power 
of  the  nervous  strain,  only  to  return  home  at  the  conclusion  of 
peace,  maimed  in  body  and  crippled  in  health.  He  returned 
to  find  his  former  position  lost,  his  business  in  ruins,  and,  in 
many  instances,  heavy  debts  incurred  in  the  maintenance  of 
those  dependent  upon  him. 

Glorious  and  heroic  as  his  record  was,  he  cannot  live  upon 
this  alone.  This  may,  indeed,  and  doubtless  will,  contribute 
greatly  to  the  comfort  of  his  mind  and  spirit  in  the  years  to 
come,  but  it  never  can  satisfy  the  urgent  needs  of  the  physical 
man.    These  must  be  met  by  a  grateful  people. 

Government  cannot  afford  to  pursue  a  niggardly  course 
toward  this  soldier,  who  did  not  serve  his  country  in  this  spirit. 
It  is  duty  bound,  as  the  agent  of  the  people,  to  do  everything 
possible  to  rehabilitate  his  life.  First  of  all,  it  must  restore  his 
health  and  furnish  artificial  members  where  natural  ones  have 
been  lost.  Secondly,  it  must  tender  him  educational  facilities 
at  least  equal  to  those  he  surrendered  on  entering  his  country's 
service.  Thirdly,  it  should  grant  a  sufficient  tract  of  land  to 
afford  him  a  comfortable  farm  if  preferred.  Fourthly,  it  should 
grant  him  a  pension,  or  a  bonus  sufficient  to  enable  him  to  begin 
life  anew.    He  may  prefer  the  certainty  of  regular  monthly  or 

9  129 


130  AMEEICAN    PEINCIPLES 

quarterly  pension  payments  as  a  safeguard  against  future  want, 
or  he  may  prefer  the  bonus,  to  enable  him  to  start  in  business 
anew.  There  are  advantages  and  disadvantages  in  both  these 
proposed  methods  of  conferring  financial  relief.  With  the  pen- 
sion, the  soldier  is  safe  from  want  during  life,  but  he  can  never 
save  enough  from  this  scant  source  to  begin  business.  With 
the  bonus  he  may  be  able  to  begin  business  in  a  modest  way,  but, 
should  he  fail,  all  is  lost.  The  natural  improvidence  of  hu- 
manity, and  the  large  percentage  of  business  failures  annually 
recorded,  make  the  bonus  system  very  uncertain  and  risky.  How- 
ever, many,  perhaps  most,  will  prefer  it.  In  any  event,  the 
people,  through  their  government,  should  stand  ready  to  com- 
ply with  the  request  of  each  soldier,  in  the  relief  measure 
selected.  They  cannot  afford  to  do  less  for  the  man  who  risked 
all  for  their  honor  and  safety. 

Kor  can  the  nation  afford  to  disregard  the  profit  accruing  to 
itself  from  such  a  course  of  assistance  to  its  ex-service  men. 
The  constructive  energy  of  several  millions  of  men,  distributed 
in  the  industrial,  business,  and  social  life  of  the  nation,  would 
constitute  a  stabilizing  power  in  all  these  and  other  departments 
of  national  activity,  of  which  the  mind  today  does  not  in  the 
fullest  degree  conceive.  It  would  add  enormously  to  the  sanity, 
patriotism,  and  prosperity  of  our  people,  and  create  a  sense  of 
safety  now  unhappily  below  the  normal.  It  would  be  impossible 
to  appropriately  estimate  its  present  and  future  value. 

The  ex-soldier,  on  his  part,  should  remember  that  the  glory 
of  defending  his  country's  interests,  especially  in  a  foreign 
war,  is  above  all  other  considerations.  To  have  fought  to  pre- 
serve his  nation^s  ideals,  especially  when  they  are  clad  in  the 
imperishable  luster  of  freedom  and  justice,  is  a  transcendent 
honor  as  undying  as  the  principles  for  which  he  battled.  And 
this  honor  is  heightened  and  ennobled  by  the  gentle  and  af- 
fectionate recollection  of  those  of  his  comrades,  who  made  their 
last  stand  for  home  and  country  under  a  foreign  sun.  ISTone  but 
the  soldier  can  truly  appreciate  the  deep  and  inexpressible  sad- 
ness he  feels  as  he  sees  his  heroic  comrades  fall,  one  by  one, 
before  the  deadly  missiles  from  the  enemy's  relentless  guns.  Is 
it  any  wonder  that  we  find  him,  on  his  return,  taciturn  and 


THE    CAEE    OP   THE    EX-SOLDIEE  131 

silent?  Who  can  fathom  the  depth  of  that  sentiment,  created, 
stamped,  and  indelibly  impressed  by  the  horrors  of  war? 

Whatever  his  country's  attitude  toward  him,  he  proceeds 
on  his  way  unperturbed,  in  the  fullness  of  the  knowledge  that 
he  possesses  that  of  which  neither  negligence  nor  selfish  indif- 
ference may  deprive  him — the  consciousness  that  in  the  great 
struggle  he  played  the  part  of  a  real  man  and  true  American. 
Let  the  soldier,  then,  while  indicating  his  preference  for  the 
method  of  proposed  relief,  maintain  that  pose  of  quiet  and 
lofty  dignity  which  characterizes  a  stalwart  and  noble  race.  Let 
him  honor  and  cherish  above  all  else  the  sacred  principles  for 
which  he  fought,  and  leave  the  matter  of  magnanimous  and 
appreciative  action  to  those  whose  function  it  is  to  consider  it. 

Whatever  disposition  his  country  may  make  in  the  matter  of 
his  merited  relief,  his  honor  is  safe  and  untarnished,  and  so  it 
will  forever  remain. 


PENALIZATION,  ITS  TEUE  PURPOSE 

That  Man  is  an  admixture  of  good  and  evil  qualities  is  the 
common  knowledge  of  all  mankind.  And  that  his  chief  mission 
is  to  develop  the  one  and  to  suppress  the  other  is  the  teaching 
of  the  religions  and  philosophies  of  all  ages.  He  is  also  a  social 
being.  He  is  so  constituted  by  nature  that  he  must  find  his 
greatest  happiness  and  advancement  in  the  companionship  of 
his  fellows.  But  this  social  relationship  requires  certain  rules 
and  regulations,  if  it  is  to  meet  the  just  demands  upon  it. 
These  rules  and  regulations  are  what  we  call  government.  If 
man's  chief  happiness  and  progress  depend  upon  his  social  rela- 
tions, the  proper  government  of  these  relations  becomes  a  neces- 
sity. It  is  the  duty  of  government,  then,  to  encourage  the  growth 
of  his  better  nature  and  to  repress  his  evil  propensities,  in  the 
interest  of  both  himself  and  his  neighbor. 

But  no  man  is  totally  depraved.  As  no  man  is  perfect  in 
all  his  attributes,  so  none  is  so  base  as  to  be  without  good  qual- 
ities. He  is  a  swinging  pendulum  between  the  two  constituents 
of  his  nature.  If,  in  an  unguarded  moment,  or  on  account 
of  faulty  education  or  unwholesome  environment,  which  the 
State  should  control  and  regulate,  individual  judgment  collapses, 
and  the  citizen  is  led  to  commit  a  crime,  government  should 
proceed  against  him  with  a  view  to  his  reclamation  and  restitu- 
tion and  not  to  his  destruction.  The  action  of  the  government 
should  not  only  be  punitive  and  deterrent  but  above  all  restora- 
tive. Even  where  the  citizen  has  gone  so  far  astray  as  to  com- 
mit wilful  murder,  it  is  difficult  to  understand  why  the  State 
should  follow  this  example  and  commit  the  same  crime  for  which 
it  proposes  to  punish  the  guilty  citizen.  Capital  punishment  is, 
therefore,  a  very  doubtful  procedure.  In  these  circumstances, 
wherein  is  the  State  any  better  than  the  recalcitrant  citizen  ?  Be- 
cause the  wayward  citizen,  whose  lapses,  in  large  measure,  may 
be  reasonably  laid  at  the  door  of  the  neglectful  State,  has  been 
lured  by  his  evil  self  to  take  the  life  of  his  fellow,  is  that  a 
sufficient  and  just  reason  why  the  progressive  and  intelligent 
State  should  commit  the  same  crime  against  God  and  man? 

132 


PENALIZATION,   ITS   TKUE    PUEPOSE         133 

Capital  punishment  is  a  relic  of  former  absolutism  when  the 
power-mad  despot  held  unlimited  sway  over  the  destiny  of  his  en- 
slaved subject. 

If  the  evil  qualities  of  the  citizen  so  far  predominate  over 
his  better  nature  as  to  render  him  a  constant  menace  to  his 
fellow  citizens,  the  State  should  not  take  his  life,  but  deprive 
him  of  his  liberty  and  employ  his  constructive  energies  in  some 
useful  service,  until  the  arrival  of  the  time  when  he  shall  be 
able  to  control  his  evil  nature  and  be  restored  to  a  useful  life 
in  the  community.  But  in  pursuing  this  course,  the  State  should 
protect  its  citizens  against  precipitate,  untimely,  and  erroneous 
emancipation  of  such  a  citizen.  To  return  such  a  citizen,  through 
corrupt  political  favoritism  or  a  sickly,  maudlin  sentiment,  to  a 
life  of  crime  among  his  neighbors,  would  constitute  a  woeful 
collapse  of  wise  and  orderly  government.  But  with  all  due 
precautions,  such  a  citizen,  as  soon  as  fit,  should  be  returned 
to  freedom  and  usefulness  in  the  community.  This  is  his  plain 
and  simple  human  right.  Thus  the  State  procedure  against  the 
criminal  should  be  corrective  rather  than  punitive. 

Under  our  present  penal  .system,  the  State  procedure  is  based 
upon  the  reverse  principle.  It  proposes  to  punish  rather  than 
reclaim  the  criminal,  and  thus  arrogates  to  itself  the  divine 
prerogative  of  holding  the  delinquent  citizen  responsible  for 
his  moral  lapses,  when  it  should  be  content  with  holding  him 
responsible  for  their  effects.  The  State,  in  these  circumstances, 
loses  sight  of  the  logical  purpose  of  penalization — to  work  a 
needed  reform  in  the  character  of  the  culprit  with  a  view  to 
restoring  him  to  a  useful  life  in  the  commonwealth — and  too 
often  treats  him  as  a  hopeless  derelict  incapable  of  any  further 
benefaction  to  himself  or  his  country.  Instead  of  exerting  its 
power  with  this  benevolent  purpose  in  view,  it  limits  its  efforts 
entirely  to  the  protection  of  the  public  against  the  infraction  of 
law,  and  to  the  relentless  and  brutish  punishment  of  the  of- 
fender, toward  whose  offense  it,  by  its  own  neglect,  may  have 
largely  contributed. 

It  goes  without  comment  that  every  citizen,  high  and  low, 
should  obey  the  law.  There  should  be  no  respect  of  persons. 
To  enforce  the  law  in  one  instance  and  relax  it  in  another,  with 


134  AMEEICAN    PEIlSrCIPLES 

a  view  to  favoring  one  citizen  and  punishing  another,  works  its 
practical  nullification.  To  neglect  the  proper  enforcement  of  the 
law  is  to  ignore  the  fundamental  principles  of  community  life, 
and  to  lead  in  the  direction  of  anarchy  and  political  chaos.  En- 
forcement of  the  law  affords  the  only  measure  of  a  normal  collec- 
tive existence.  It  thus  becomes  a  solemn  obligation  of  the  citizenry 
to  see  that  all  laws  are  duly  respected  and  properly  enforced, 
and  that  all  duly  authorized  officials  honestly  perform  their  func- 
tions in  this  regard.  And  as  government  is  conducted  on  strictly 
business  principles,  it  follows  that  the  business,  above  all  other 
agencies  of  the  nation,  should  demand  the  elimination  of  all 
favoritism  and  the  candid  enforcement  of  all  statutes.  It  is  only 
in  this  manner  that  all  interests  will  be  placed  upon  the  same 
footing  before  the  law.  Unfortunately,  the  reverse  is  very  often 
true;  but  business  interests  should  know  that  a  contrary  course 
can  but  be  finally  suicidal. 

Moreover,  to  protect  the  community  against  the  perpetration 
of  crime,  a  function  of  vast  and  indubitable  value,  the  State 
inflicts  great  suffering  upon  those  who  may  be  dependent  upon 
the  culprit  for  existence.  It  cruelly  and  most  indifferently  robs 
these  innocent  dependents  of  their  only  support,  and  thus  paves 
the  way  for  their  future  participation  in  the  same  crime,  it  may 
be,  which  consigned  their  unfortunate  benefactor  to  oblivion. 
A  wise  and  just  system  of  penalization  would  contemplate  not 
only  the  protection  of  the  community  against  the  perpetration 
of  crime,  but  the  future  restoration  of  the  culprit  to  a  useful 
life,  and  the  proper  and  careful  consideration  of  the  needs  of 
his  innocent  dependents.  These  three  great  desiderata  are  best 
secured  by  the  establishment  of  large  industrial  reformatories 
where  the  inmates  may  be  employed  in  some  useful  service  to  the 
State,  for  which  they  may  be  compensated  at  the  same  rate  of 
wages  commanded  beyond  the  prison  walls  by  the  same  character 
of  service.  This  wage,  after  the  deduction  of  the  expense  of  the 
criminal's  upkeep,  should  be  paid  over  by  the  State  to  those 
formerly  dependent  upon  him,  or,  in  case  he  has  no  dependents 
or  they  are  independent  of  his  aid,  which  should  be  ascertained 
by  careful  investigation,  be  deposited  to  his  credit  as  a  new  start 
in  life  on  his  release. 

In  this  manner,  not  only  may  the  culprit  in  most  instances 


PENALIZATIOI^,    ITS    TEUE    PUEPOSE         135 

be  reformed  and  returned  to  an  honorable  life,  but  his  family, 
or  those  dependent  upon  him,  may  be  provided  for  by  a  humane 
State.  To  affirm  these  dependents  are  not  proper  wards  of  the 
State  is  to  declare  a  palpable  falsehood.  The  mothers  and  chil- 
dren of  the  nation  must  forever  constitute  its  chief  hope,  and  to 
disregard  their  just  and  urgent  needs  is  beneath  the  dignity  of 
a  progressive  democracy. 

Nor  should  the  young  delinquent  be  housed  under  the  same 
roof  with  the  old  and  hardened  criminal.  This  would  be  unjust 
to  both  ages,  especially  the  young.  Such  a  procedure  would  be 
reprehensible  in  the  extreme,  since  it  is  practically  equivalent 
to  abandoning  all  hope  of  correcting  the  errant  youth.  Dif- 
ferent institutions  of  the  same  character  should  be  provided  for 
the  sexes  and  for  the  two  extremes  of  life.  To  these  unfortu- 
nates we  owe  no  less  than  a  new  outlook  upon  life  and  a  new 
chance  at  redemption. 

Beyond  the  initial  expense  of  construction  and  equipment, 
such  institutions,  if  properly  and  economically  conducted,  would 
cost  the  State  but  little  in  comparison  with  the  good  effected; 
for  the  products  of  this  labor  could  be  marketed  by  the  State 
at  home  or  abroad  at  the  market  price  for  the  same  commodi- 
ties from  free  institutions  and  industries.  Thus  there  need  be 
no  hostile  competition  between  free  and  prison  products,  unless 
the  free  products  seek  to  unfairly  monopolize  the  market  by  un- 
lawful combines  and  thus  oppress  the  people,  in  which  case 
prison  products  would  act  as  a  wholesome  and  salutary  check. 

This  penal  system  should  apply  in  all  crimes  and  misde- 
meanors requiring  imprisonment,  and,  in  the  case  of  drug  or 
alcoholic  addicts,  the  offender  should  be  managed  with  especial 
reference  to  his  ultimate  complete  recovery.  To  this  end,  he 
should  remain  in  confinement  under  constant  supervision,  until 
competent  medical  authority  shall  pronounce  him  cured,  when 
he  should  be  restored  to  a  useful  life  in  the  community.  Nor 
should  the  State  abandon  its  unfortunate  ward  here,  but  should 
exert  itself  to  secure  for  him  useful  employment  beyond  the 
prison  wall  that  he  may  continue  to  provide  for  those  depending 
upon  him,  and  thus  remain  in  that  peaceful  frame  of  mind  so 
essential  to  an  ultimate  return  of  strength  and  solidarity  of 
character. 


A  NATIONAL  HEALTH  DEPARTMENT 

No  efficient  government  can  afford  to  ignore  the  health  of  its 
citizenry.  Every  effort  should  be  made  by  the  nation  to  prevent 
the  importation  of  epidemical  disease.  If  it  is  the  duty  of  the 
State  to  protect  its  people  against  invasion  by  a  foreign  army, 
it  is  equally  its  duty  to  protect  them  against  invasion  by  for- 
eign pestilence;  and  if  it  is  the  duty  of  the  nation  to  protect 
itself  against  foreign  pestilence  by  preventing  the  importation 
of  such  contagion,  it  is  equally  just  and  right  to  protect  its 
neighbors  by  preventing  the  exportation  of  its  contagion  to  their 
shores.  No  fair  and  just  nation  can  afford  to  do  less.  The  dic- 
tates of  plain  justice  demand  this  governmental  attitude. 

Further,  as  it  is  the  duty  of  democracy  to  protect  the  people 
from  internal  sedition  and  rebellion,  so  it  is  also  its  duty  to  pro- 
tect them  from  the  possibility  of  infection  from  diseases  origi- 
nating in  their  midst. 

To  the  end  that  these  functions  may  be  effectively  carried 
out,  the  nation,  through  a  well  organized  Health  Department 
with  its  center  at  the  national  capital,  should  endeavor  to  edu- 
cate its  people  in  all  the  laws  of  sanitation,  with  a  view  to  secur- 
ing their  willing  aid  and  co-operation  in  the  effective  control 
and  elimination  of  preventable  diseases.  The  unnecessary  suf- 
fering and  the  vast  number  of  valuable  lives  annually  sacrificed 
through  the  prevalence  of  avoidable  infections  constitute  one  of 
the  most  glaring  defects  of  our  democracy. 

This  Health  Department  should  be  under  the  direction  of 
the  most  competent  scientists  and  sanitarians  of  the  nation, 
free  from  corrupt  politics,  and  afforded  every  scientific  facility 
for  making  all  necessary  researches  in  the  field  of  preventive 
medicine.  It  should  be  controlled  by  legislation  suggested  and 
formulated  by  the  wisest  and  most  extensive  experience  in  this 
field  of  labor,  and  so  drawn  as  to  cover  every  possible  need  with 
the  least  inconvenience  and  cost  to  the  people. 

Moreover,  it  is  evident  that  the  government,  through  its 
Health  Department,  should  construct,  equip,  and  maintain  Sus- 
pect and  Isolation  Hospitals,  Military  and  Marine  Hospitals 

136 


A    NATIONAL    HEALTH    DEPAETMENT        137 

for  the  proper  care  of  its  soldiers  and  sailors,  Leper  Homes,  and 
Tuberculosis  Hospitals  for  those  unfortunate  citizens  who  can- 
not afford  proper  treatment  at  home.  Tuberculosis  Hospitals 
should  be  of  two  kinds,  those  for  incurable  cases,  and  those  for 
curable  cases. 

The  institutions  for  incurable  cases  should  be  located  in  the 
most  accessible  part  of  the  state,  so  that  the  inmates  may  be 
visited  from  time  to  time  by  their  relations  and  friends;  and 
erected  on  the  most  approved  modern  principles,  and  comfortably 
furnished  and  suitably  maintained,  that  the  closing  days  of 
these  unfortunates  may  be  made  as  tolerable  as  it  is  possible  for 
them  to  be.  We  owe  them  no  less.  In  the  days  of  their  health 
and  vigor,  many  and  perhaps  most  of  these  victims  of  incurable 
disease  served  their  State  faithfully  and  well.  We  cannot  af- 
ford to  neglect  them  in  their  hour  of  greatest  extremity. 

The  institutions  for  curable  cases  should  be  located  in  those 
sections  of  the  nation,  scientifically  recognized  as  most  favorable 
to  the  cure  of  the  disease;  and  nothing  should  be  left  undone 
to  enhance  the  patient's  chances  for  an  early  and  complete 
recovery.  No  charges  should  be  made  for  services  to  the  indi- 
gent, but  sufficient  charge  should  be  made  for  such  service  to 
wealthy  subjects,  desiring  the  scientific  treatment  in  government 
hospitals,  to  meet  the  expense  of  their  treatment  and  mainte- 
nance ;  and  these  receipts  should  be  paid  into  the  national  treasury. 

All  the  above  institutions  should  not  be  thrown  up  in  a  hap- 
hazard way,  but  should  be  constructed  with  a  view  to  their  future 
enlargement,  and  in  conformity  with  the  consensus  of  the  most 
scientific  thought  of  the  times,  and  placed  under  the  manage- 
ment of  the  most  conscientious  and  competent  medical  practi- 
tioners and  scientific  sanitarians,  and  under  the  vigilance  of 
the  most  thorough  surveillance.  And  any  officer  or  inspector, 
failing  to  meet  the  requirements  of  law  governing  these  insti- 
tutions, should  be  punished  by  dismissal  from  office  and  a  term 
of  imprisonment.  An  officer  or  agent,  who  wilfully  or  carelessly 
neglects  the  reasonable  demands  of  the  helpless  sick,  deserves 
to  be  disgraced  and  deprived  of  liberty.  Such  practice  stands 
next  to  murder  in  the  category  of  crime. 

The  scientists  of  these  institutions  should  not  only  apply  their 


138  AMERICAN    PEINCIPLES 

genius  to  the  rational  treatment  and  cure  of  the  inmates,  but 
to  the  prevention  and  elimination  of  the  diseases  coming  under 
their  observation  and  care.  For  in  the  labors  of  such  benefac- 
tors will  the  nation  and  the  world  be  blessed. 

Such  obligations  should  not  be  left  to  the  caprice  of  the 
private  citizen's  charitable  impulses.  If  they  are  obligations 
at  all  and  we  must  confess  they  are,  they  are  the  obligations  of  all 
the  people  and  not  those  of  a  particular  secular  or  ecclesiastical 
group,  however  altruistic  its  motive  may  be.  While  the  state, 
or  political  sub-division,  should  contribute  to  the  expense  of 
these  institutions,  the  responsibility  is  that  of  all  the  people,  and 
the  chief  expense  should  be  borne  by  the  national  treasury. 

Under  a  uniform  system  of  management,  such  as  the  nation 
alone  can  ensure,  these  institutions  can  be  made  noble  instru- 
ments of  service  to  our  afflicted  citizens. 

The  head  of  this  Health  Department  should  occupy  a  seat 
in  the  presidental  cabinet,  in  order  to  more  readily  inform  the 
Chief  Executive  and  his  official  associates  regarding  the  sanitary 
bearings  of  any  proposed  national  enterprise  of  importance.  The 
present  United  States  Health  Service,  valuable  as  it  is,  is  un- 
equal to  the  complete  fulfillment  of  this  great  function.  The 
vast  work  of  carrying  the  necessary  machinery  to  protect  the 
public  health  requires  a  separate  department  of  government. 
But  the  officers  of  this  department  should  be  elective  and  not  ap- 
pointive. The  appointive  power  is  wrong  in  principle,  as  it  de- 
prives the  people  of  the  right  to  select  their  own  servants.  It  is 
clearly  a  relic  of  former  absolutism.  If  the  people  have  the  wis- 
dom and  right  to  choose  their  Chief  Executive,  they  have  the 
wisdom  and  right  to  select  his  subordinate  associates.  To  affirm 
the  reverse  is  to  deny  their  power  of  self-government.  The  higher 
officers  of  this  department  should  be  elective,  and  all  subordinate 
incumbents  should  be  chosen  by  civil  service  examinations;  and 
their  tenure  should  depend  upon  their  efficiency  and  good  be- 
havior. 

The  health  authority  should  not  be  divided  between  the  cen- 
tral power  and  subordinate  political  units.  Nothing  but  conflict 
and  failure  can  result  from  such  a  mongrel  co-operation.  The 
one  or  the  other  must  surrender  its  administrative  independ- 


A    NATIOJSTAL    HEALTH    DEPAETMENT        139 

ence.  The  state  authority  in  these  matters  must  be  subservient 
to  the  central  power.  Sanitary  authority,  like  all  other  authority 
touching  the  vital  interests  of  all  the  people,  should  reside  in 
and  be  exercised  through  the  central  government. 

But,  under  no  circumstances,  should  such  power  be  used  for 
oppressive  or  tyrannical  purposes.  It  should,  on  all  occasions, 
be  actuated  by  a  spirit  of  fairness  and  candor  toward  the  peo- 
ple; and  should  seek  to  secure  their  confidence  and  full  co- 
operation in  all  efforts  to  preserve  their  health.  And  to  still 
further  secure  these  ends,  the  Health  Department  should  seek 
the  co-operation  of  the  medical  profession.  The  physician  should 
be  invited  to  give,  when  at  all  possible,  the  Whys  and  Where- 
fores of  his  instructions  to  the  patient,  so  that  the  latter  may 
come  into  a  broader  understanding  of  their  import.  In  this 
way,  the  foundation  will  be  laid  for  a  more  extensive  educa- 
tional propaganda  by  the  government,  and  the  people  be  led  to 
assist  in  the  work  of  preserving  the  public  health.  But  in  this 
public  instruction,  due  distinction  should  be  made  between  fact 
and  theory.  To  give  the  people  theory  for  fact  is  an  unwise 
procedure.  For  most  part,  they  do  not  make  the  necessary  dis- 
tinction, but  accept  both  alike  as  unalterable  truth.  If  time 
and  experience  should  disprove  the  theory,  as  often  occurs,  the 
popular  mind  is  thrown  into  confusion  and  doubt,  and  ren- 
dered less  pervious  to  future  fact.  It  is  far  better  to  draw  a 
sharp  and  honest  distinction  between  the  two,  so  that  no  de- 
ception shall  result.  In  this  way  only  will  the  continued  co- 
operation of  the  people  be  secured.  They  will  be  led  by  reason- 
able and  common-sense  principles  only. 

Such  a  national  Health  Department  as  suggested  in  the  fore- 
going remarks,  properly  financed  and  equipped,  would  not  only 
accomplish  vast  good  in  our  country  through  the  prevention  of 
unnecessary  suffering  and  the  preservation  of  constructive 
energy,  but  its  influence  would  be  felt  in  the  world  at  large; 
for  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  its  successful  example  would 
eventually  be  emulated  by  all  other  enlightened  nations.  And 
through  the  world^s  combined  action,  we  may  reasonably  hope  for 
the  day  when  preventable  diseases  shall  be  banished  from  the 
earth. 


THE   NECESSITY   FOR   PUBLIC   MEETINGS 

It  is  the  right  and  duty  of  the  citizen  of  democracy  to  freely 
and  fearlessly  discuss  with  his  fellow  citizens  all  questions  touch- 
ing the  nation  in  its  domestic  and  foreign  relations.  He  may 
debate  these  questions  on  the  thoroughfares,  on  the  rostra  of 
public  lecture-rooms,  on  the  floors  of  popular  conventions,  or 
on  the  platforms  of  mass  meetings.  It  is  only  through  such  dis- 
cussions that  the  people  become  fully  familiar  with  public 
policies,  and  are  able  to  vote  intelligently  on  behalf  of  democracy 
and  its  principles.  By  the  comparison  and  exchange  of  views 
in  these  public  discussions,  the  popular  mind  grows  in  power  and 
public  opinion  gains  in  strength. 

The  professional  politician  deprecates  such  discussions,  since 
they  presage  a  popular  intelligence  and  vigilance  he  cannot 
control.  He  will,  therefore,  seek  to  discourage  them  whenever 
possible.  Through  publications  of  his  own  and  others  he  can  con- 
trol, he  will  oppose  all  public  meetings  to  be  held  for  the  dis- 
cussion of  ^important  questions,  by  holding  up  to  the  people 
the  inconvenience  or  expense  of  holding  them,  unless  these  meet- 
ings are  to  be  held  in  his  behalf,  directly  or  indirectly.  And 
when,  in  spite  of  his  opposition,  they  are  to  be  called,  the 
demagogue  always  endeavors,  through  his  henchmen,  to  control 
them,  and  where  possible  to  stampede  them  in  his  direction.  But 
he  pales  before  the  independent  public  meetings  he  cannot  con- 
trol. Intelligent  independence  of  the  people  is  fatal  to  dema- 
gogic ambition.  A  free  and  intelligent  public  cannot  be  led,  but 
must  be  obeyed. 

It  is  the  right  and  duty  of  a  democratic  people  to  hold 
their  public  meetings  in  every  municipality,  county,  and  state, 
at  regular  intervals,  to  discuss  and  exchange  views  on  all  im- 
portant questions  pertaining  to  the  welfare  of  the  democracy, 
and  to  have  present,  when  possible,  their  public  servants,  in 
order  that  they  may  be  instructed  in  the  people's  wishes.  The 
people  are  the  served,  the  public  officer  the  servant.  How 
can  he  render  proper  service  unless  he  be  properly  instructed 
by  his  master  in  what  he  is  to  do?     The  public  meetings  are 

140 


THE    NECESSITY    FOE    PUBLIC    MEETINGS    141 

thus  the  preservers  of  democratic  freedom  and  prosperity,  and 
cannot  be  neglected  without  being  followed  by  the  decline  of 
popular  liberty.  In  these  meetings  all  public  questions  should 
be  discussed,  not  only  those  of  local  import  but  those  also  of 
national  and  international  significance.  No  question  is  too 
great  for  a  free  people  to  study  and  discuss.  To  doubt  their 
intelligence  in  this  regard  is  to  doubt  their  power  of  self- 
government — is  to  deny  their  democracy. 

In  these  public  discussions  no  matters  of  private  or  religious 
nature  should  be  considered,  unless  they  have  been  converted 
into  public  questions  by  being  injected  into  the  debates.  The 
home  and  fireside  are  where  all  questions  of  a  private  or  social 
character  should  be  worked  out;  the  church  and  altar,  where 
the  sacred  matters  of  life  should  be  thought  out  and  applied  to 
our  present  and  future  felicity.  These  two  classes  of  questions 
should  never  find  their  way  to  the  public  hustings,  and  should 
be  ignored  when  sporadically  touched  upon.  But  when  the 
recognized  authorities  of  religion  tear  these  holy  subjects  from 
the  church  and  altar,  the  sacred  environment  to  which  they 
appertain,  and  cast  them  into  the  maelstrom  of  public  debate, 
thus  making  of  them  public  questions,  they  should  and  will  be 
debated  like  any  other  public  question,  in  all  their  bearings. 
The  only  proper  course  for  the  exponents  of  religion  to  pursue, 
if  they  wish  these  subjects  to  escape  vulgar  attack,  is  to  keep 
them  out  of  politics  and  in  the  sacred  environment  of  the  church 
where  they  belong.  Whenever  religion  forces  itself  into  prac- 
tical relationship  with  the  democratic  State,  it  will  be  freely, 
fearlessly  and  boldly  discussed,  just  as  any  other  public  ques- 
tion will  be.  Nor  can  the  Church  complain.  The  Church  thus 
invades  the  realm  of  the  State,  and  not  the  State  the  realm 
of  the  Church.  Upon  the  head  of  the  transgressor  should  rest 
his  sin. 

Let  the  people  of  our  nation  return  to  their  mass-meetings, 
as  of  old,  and  freely  consider  all  matters  pertaining  to  their 
interests.  Let  them  regain  control  of  their  affairs,  and  see  that 
they  alone  rule  them.  These  great  popular  gatherings  not  only 
strengthen  patriotism  but  buttress  the  Eepublic. 


TO  THE  PROSPECTIVE  IMMIGRANT 

A  word  of  advice  to  the  prospective  immigrant  and  foreign- 
born  citizen  may  not  be  out  of  place  here,  especially  at  the 
present  time  when,  on  account  of  the  lax  enforcement  of  law 
everywhere,  he  is  likely  to  become  the  victim  of  fraudulent 
agencies  which  will  not  fail  to  operate  on  both  sides  of  the 
Atlantic.  Against  all  such  nefarious  practices  he  must  be  on 
constant  guard. 

But  there  are  certain  prerequisites  the  prospective  immi- 
grant, or  prospective  citizen,  must  possess  before  he  can  be 
considered  as  available  material.  These  prerequisites  are  three 
in  number:  suitable  means,  good  health,  and  good  moral  char- 
acter. The  prospective  immigrant  must  possess  sufficient  means 
to  prevent  him  becoming  a  public  charge.  'No  man  of  pride 
can  desire  to  become  an  object  of  charity  to  the  nation  whose 
welcome  he  seeks.  He  must  possess  sufficient  to  maintain  him- 
self in  reasonable  comfort  until  he  can  find  employment. 

Neither  should  a  sick  man  attempt  to  migrate  among 
strangers,  and  perhaps  die  neglected  in  a  foreign  land.  The 
immigrant,  who  is  afflicted  vnth  a  contagious  or  incurable  dis- 
ease, should  be  candid  and  fair  enough  to  refuse  to  impose 
himself  upon  the  hospitality  of  strangers,  and  remain  at  home 
among  friends  and  relatives.  Of  what  possible  benefit  could  he 
be  to  his  adopted  country?  He  should  remember  that  in  his 
new  home  he  must  give  as  well  as  receive.  To  receive  all  and 
give  nothing  is  no  part  of  a  true  and  manly  character.  He 
must  possess  sufficient  physical,  mental,  and  moral  robustness 
to  enable  him  to  do  a  man's  part  in  his  new  field  of  labor ;  and 
if  he  is  unable  to  do  this,  he  should  remain  in  his  old  home. 

Again,  he  should  be  of  good  character.  If  he  is  a  man  of 
bad  or  dangerous  character — of  radical  or  seditious  tempera- 
ment— ^he  should  remain  in  his  old  home.  America  has  no  room 
for  such  a  man.  Of  what  benefit  could  he  be  to  the  people  of 
the  United  States?  If  he  were  an  American,  would  he  will- 
ingly admit  such  a  man?  We  welcome  the  honest,  sane,  and 
sincere  man,  it  matters  not  whence  he  comes,  provided  he  is  of 

142 


TO    THE    PEOSPECTIVE    IMMIGRANT  143 

our  own  race^,  but  he  must  possess  within  himself  the  probabili- 
ties of  good  citizenship.  We  cannot  afford  to  admit  a  man 
whose  avowed  or  secret  intention  is  to  destroy  us  at  the  first 
opportunity.  There  are  certain  great  principles  that  lie  at 
the  foundation  of  all  orderly  government  and  cannot  be  sub- 
verted without  disastrous  results  to  civilization.  We  cannot 
afford  to  admit  into  our  own  body  politic  a  man  who  opposes  the 
application  of  these  fundamental  principles.  He  must,  of  neces- 
sity, be  opposed  to  all  government — must,  in  other  words,  be 
an  anarchist.  How  can  any  man  of  normal  judgment  and  in 
the  possession  of  an  average  knowledge  of  human  nature,  favor 
the  abolishment  of  government?  How  otherwise  would  he 
control  the  discordant  attributes  of  human  nature?  So  long 
as  man  is  man,  he  will  require  the  restraint  of  government. 

The  foreigner  who  contemplates  coming  to  America  or 
becoming  an  American  citizen  must  possess  at  least  these  three 
requisites. 

But,  having  concluded  himself,  after  careful  self-examina- 
tion, eligible,  he  may  now  take  the  next  step  in  the  direction 
of  the  coveted  goal.  He  should  apply  through  the  diplomatic 
agency  of  his  own  government,  or  to  the  nearest  American  con- 
sul, for  full  informatiion  concerning  the  American  immigration 
laws,  and  read  them  carefully,  if  he  possesses  sufficient  knowl- 
edge of  the  English  language  himself,  but  if  not,  then  have 
them  read  often  enough  by  others  to  familiarize  himself  with 
their  provisions.  If  he  does  not  know  sufficient  English  to  read 
the  language,  he  should  set  about  earnestly  to  acquire  it  as  it 
will  enable  him  to  understand  the  instructions  that  may  from 
day  to  day  during  the  voyage  be  posted  for  his  benefit.  He 
should  complacently  comply  with  every  requirement  of  the  law 
or  its  agents;  and,  by  all  means,  manifest  a  patient,  sane, 
manly  attitude  toward  all  concerned  in  his  transportation.  It 
never  redounds  to  his  advantage  to  evince  a  boisterous  and  con- 
tentious temperament  on  his  voyage.  Your  host  aboard  ship, 
my  foreign  brother,  will  not  fail  to  observe  you  and  your  man- 
ners, and  report  to  the  immigration  agents  at  the  end  of  the 
voyage. 

In  coming  into  the  port  of  your  debarkation,  maintain  the 


144  AMERICAN    PRINCIPLES 

same  candid  and  manly  attitude  toward  the  government  agents 
who  have  you  in  charge,  that  you  assumed  toward  others  on  the 
voyage,  and  do  not  find  fault  with  the  management  of  your 
comforts.  Remember  there  are  many  others  beside  yourself 
to  be  served,  and  patiently  await  the  convenience  of  those  at- 
tending you.  Comply  with  every  request  of  the  authorities  as, 
in  so  doing,  you  will  greatly  facilitate  the  necessary  procedure 
and  shorten  the  time  of  your  detention.  Do  not  join  in  any 
silly  protest,  or  associate  yourself  on  the  voyage  with  any  radical 
group  you  may  have  discovered. 

When  you  have  been  examined,  accepted  and  landed,  busy 
yourself  at  once  to  find  useful  employment.  Begin  immediately 
to  do  a  man's  part,  but  beware  of  malcontents,  radicals  and  im- 
postors, who  will  certainly  lie  in  wait  for  you.  Keep  free  of 
all  such  destructive  influences.  They  cannot  possibly  benefit 
you  in  your  honest  endeavors.  They  are  never  constructive,  but 
always  selfish  and  destructive,  in  purpose.  You  have  a  perfect 
right  to  join  your  worthy  and  sane  associates  in  any  laudable 
and  lawful  means  to  maintain  your  interests  against  the  selfish 
aggrandizement  of  your  more  fortunate  countrymen,  but  never 
the  right  to  join  in  radical  or  anarchistic  moves  looking  to  the 
injury  of  your  adopted  country  or  countrymen. 

Do  not  determine  inunediately  upon  citizenship.  You  can- 
not tell  as  yet  whether  or  not  you  desire  to  become  a  citizen. 
This  is  no  trivial  matter.  It  is  too  serious  an  undertaking  to 
be  considered  lightly.  Wait  until  you  have  learned  more  about 
the  country,  its  people,  and  its  government.  But,  in  the  mean- 
time, do  not  criticize.  Remember  that  you  are  a  self-invited 
guest,  and  have  no  right  to  find  fault  with  the  welcome  of  your 
generous  host.  Be  grateful  for  the  advantages  granted  you 
and  do  not  forget  that  human  nature  is  the  same  under  every 
sun.  Learn  the  English  language  as  early  as  possible.  This  is 
absolutely  necessary  to  your  continued  improvement.  It  is 
the  chief  and  safest  medium  through  which  you  are  to  derive 
the  knowledge  of  your  proper  procedure. 

Again  I  warn  you  to  beware  of  all  radical  or  anarchistic  plots 
or  parties.  They  will  prove  treasonable  to  you  in  the  end. 
You  have  no  right  or  excuse  to  enter  into  any  conspiracy  to 


TO    THE    PEOSPECTIVE    IMMIGRANT  145 

destroy  your  magnanimous  host.  If  you  do  not  like  the  country, 
its  people,  and  its  laws,  you  have  perfect  freedom  to  return  to 
your  native  land.  No  one  will  attempt  to  detain  you.  We  do 
not  want  a  man  who  cannot  be  one  of  us.  But  you  have  no 
right  to  pull  down  the  house  that  shelters  you  from  the  storm. 
There  are  people  everywhere  who  will  fail  in  life  under  any 
circumstances :  these  are  the  malcontents  and  anarchists.  These 
are  the  people  who  would  destroy  all  government,  because  for- 
sooth it  cannot  be  made  perfect.  You  must  avoid  such  if  you 
would  safeguard  your  own  future. 

Be  fair  to  yourself  and  your  employer,  and  give  him  an 
honest  day's  work.  After  your  day's  work  is  over,  spend  your 
evenings  in  the  profitable  study  of  your  Bible,  the  English 
language,  and  other  works  of  self-improvement.  And  do  not 
neglect  the  national  Constitution.  Avoid  all  places  of  doubtful 
repute,  saloons,  gambling-houses,  and  other  places  of  objec- 
tionable character.  The  fraudulent  and  enticing  impostor  is 
ever  vigilant  of  his  prey,  especially  the  unwary  foreigner.  You 
will,  of  course,  need  recreation  and  entertainment,  but  let  these 
be  of  a  high  character  and  such  as,  while  entertaining  you,  will 
also  assist  in  the  development  of  your  better  nature.  Seek,  on 
all  occasions,  to  build  up  your  reputation  for  a  just  and  im- 
partial attitude  toward  all  in  your  daily  life.  Do  not  forget 
to  draw  inspiration  from  your  Sacred  Book.  It  will  help  direct 
you  in  your  daily  life. 

If,  after  you  have  fully  informed  yourself  of  the  country, 
its  people,  and  its  laws,  you  decide  to  become  a  citizen  thereof, 
you  should  repair  to  the  proper  authorities,  make  your  declara- 
tion, and  take  out  your  papers  of  naturalization.  Lose  now 
no  time  in  learning  all  you  can  about  the  political  institutions 
of  the  country.  And  to  do  this  you  should  study  the  national 
Constitution,  which  you  will  find  at  the  close  of  this  volume, 
next  to  your  Sacred  Book.  This  Constitution  is  an  embodi- 
ment of  our  principles  of  government,  and  deserves  the  earnest 
consideration  of  every  prospective  citizen.  Study  these  prin- 
ciples, then,  and  familiarize  yourself  with  them.  For  they  are 
to  be  your  guides  in  serving  your  adopted  country  faithfully 
and  well. 


146  AMERICAN    PEINCIPLES 

In  the  meantime,  labor  honestly  and  industriously  for  your 
wage,  and  save  it  for  a  future  home  and  investment,  in  order 
that  you  may  in  due  time  take  your  place  among  the  upright 
and  responsible  people  of  the  community. 

When  you  have  at  last  been  admitted  into  the  citizenship  of 
the  nation,  see  to  it  that  you  fully  appreciate  the  sacred  trust 
the  people  have  confided  to  your  care.  The  ballot  is  the  most 
honorable  and  sacred  privilege  the  American  people  could  pos- 
sibly confer  upon  you.  See  that  you  keep  it  unsullied,  and  use 
it  in  the  betterment  of  your  adopted  country.  By  all  means, 
be  an  American  freeman.  Do  not  become  a  slave  to  party. 
Devote  yourself  to  principle  only.  Study  carefully  the  issues 
involved  in  public  elections  and  cast  your  ballot  as  your  candid 
judgment  dictates.  Eemember  that  the  welfare  of  the  entire 
community  and  nation  demands  your  ballot,  not  your  personal 
interests.  You  have  no  right  to  expect  favoritism  in  the  enact- 
ment and  enforcement  of  law,  but  must,  as  an  honest  citizen, 
be  content  to  share  with  your  fellow  citizens  in  their  prosperity 
and  in  their  adversity. 

Do  not  allow  the  cunning  politician  to  deceive  you  in  the 
exercise  of  your  right  of  franchise.  Pie  only  insults  the  citi- 
zen when  he  attempts  to  buy  or  bribe  his  vote.  As  a  free  and 
manly  man,  you  cannot  afford  to  allow  him  to  approach  you. 
Turn  from  him  and  walk  away  with  head  erect  and  with  face 
squarely  before  you.  Be  sure  he  does  not  reach  you  through 
your  friends  or  acquaintances.  This  is  one  of  his  favorite 
methods.  He  may  use  your  friends  to  persuade  you,  without 
their  knowing  his  purpose.  Your  only  salvation  lies  in  fear- 
less independence.  Vote  always  on  conscience — as  though  it 
were  your  last  act  upon  earth — and  you  can  then  make  no  mis- 
take. You  may  differ  with  your  neighbor  in  political  opinions, 
but  this  does  not  make  you  right  and  him  wrong,  or  vice  versa. 
Do  your  own  voting  and  let  your  neighbor  do  his.  You  are 
casting  your  ballot  with  the  aid  of  the  best  light  at  your  dis- 
posal, and  no  more  can  reasonably  be  expected  of  you.  Once 
again,  be  wary  of  the  political  demagogue.  He  is  rarely  worthy, 
and,  for  the  most  part,  a  selfish  time  server.  In  every  democ- 
racy, there  are  many  of  his  kind.     It  is  in  this  fertile  soil 


TO    THE    PEOSPECTIVE    IMMIGEANT  147 

that  such  obnoxious  plants  send  their  deepest  roots  and  find 
most  luxuriant  growth.  Be  on  constant  guard  against  such 
growths  that  they  do  not  stifle  or  smother  the  nobler  and  truer 
plants  in  our  national  garden.  But  you  must  not  understand 
that  all  officeholders  belong  to  this  class.  Our  noblest  and  best 
men  are  called  to  serve  their  country,  but  all  who  appear  to 
serve  their  country  in  office  are  not  always  our  best  men.  Learn 
that  the  office  should  seek  the  man,  and  not  the  man  the  office. 

Devote  yourself  to  the  simple  principles  of  true  democracy, 
but  turn  from  its  spurious  monstrosities  as  poisonous  distor- 
tions of  the  faith.  There  are  many  political  vagaries  today 
which  masquerade  in  the  garb  of  democracy.  Beware  of  these 
specious  and  frantic  doctrines.  For  these  political  cults  to 
succeed,  God  must  make  man  over — ^must  change  his  entire 
nature.  They  lead  at  last  to  the  most  cruel  despotisms.  Be 
not  deceived.  Your  hope  lies  in  action  along  the  lines  of  sane 
and  wholesome  experience. 

Then,  there  is  another  matter  to  which  I  desire  to  call  your 
attention.  I  refer  to  the  custom  many  foreigners,  and  even 
foreign-born  citizens,  have  of  segregating  themselves  into  sepa- 
rate foreign  groups.  I  need  not  tell  you  this  is  an  un-American 
practice  which  no  amount  of  argument  can  excuse.  To  segre- 
gate themselves  as  hyphenated  Americans  into  certain  groups, 
in  order  to  serve  certain  foreign  interests,  is  unfriendly  in  the 
extreme  and  stops  little  short  of  treason.  No  man  can  be  a 
citizen  of  his  native  land  and  a  citizen  of  America  at  the  same 
time.  It  is  impossible  to  be  on  both  sides  of  a  fence  at  the 
same  time.  When  an  American  citizen  of  foreign  birth  finds 
he  can  no  longer  remain  faithful  to  his  adopted  country,  he  is 
duty  bound  as  a  true  and  manly  man  to  return  to  the  land  of 
his  nativity.  It  is  a  very  grave  and  doubtful  procedure  to 
confer  the  franchise  upon  the  adult  foreigner,  for  it  is  exceed- 
ingly difficult  to  divest  himself  of  his  former  ideals,  but  our 
best  publicists  have  thought  it  best  to  grant  it.  But  such  a 
citizen  descends  to  the  lowest  form  of  treason  when  he  turns 
his  back  on  his  adopted  country,  but  still  wears  the  habiliments 
of  faithful  citizenship  only  to  obtain  a  better  vantage  ground 
from  which  to  thrust  the  murderous  dagger  into  the  vitals  of 


148  AMERICAN    PEINCIPLES 

his  generous  and  hospitable  host.  Oppose  with  all  the  earnest- 
ness of  your  nature  all  such  groupings  and  their  efforts  to  in- 
culcate foreign  languages,  culture  and  religions.  Such  het- 
erogeneity cannot  result  in  good  to  your  adopted  country.  It 
is  a  specious  propaganda,  in  most  instances,  to  weaken  and 
finally  destroy  the  kindly  hand  that  nourishes  the  needy. 

Finally,  as  years  pass,  and  you  have  grown  into  a  splendid 
American  manhood,  you  may  be  called  by  your  appreciative 
fellow  citizens  to  serve  them  in  some  official  capacity.  If  so, 
do  your  best  for  them,  and  never  neglect  your  duty  as  an  officer. 
Be  frank,  fair,  courteous  and  honest  on  all  occasions,  and  ever 
remember  that  you  are  the  servant  and  not  the  master  of  the 
people;  but  in  all  cases  enforce  the  law. 

Accept  this  advice  in  the  spirit  in  which  it  is  given,  and 
may  Fortune  favor  and  attend  you. 


VImericanization 

^  True  Americanism  is  a  condition  of  body,  mind,  and  spirit 
rarely  reached  in  a  state  of  perfection.:  It  is  a  steady  and  end- 
less growth,  and  the  oldest  and  best  citizen  may  never  attain 
to  its  full  realization.  It  can  only  be  approximately  reached 
by  the  majority  of  those  who  are  deeply  interested  in  the  for- 
tunes of  their  country.  Only  our  profoundest  political  phi- 
losophers and  statesmen  enter  into  a  full  knowledge  of  its 
arcanum.  The  great  majority  of  us  must  be  content  with 
watching  its  reflections. 

If  this  is  true  of  the  citizen,  how  much  more  difficult  it 
must  be  for  the  foreigner  to  grasp  the  full  import  of  these 
principles.  The  Americanization  of  the  prospective  citizen  thus 
becomes  a  most  important  function  of  the  democracy.  We  have 
practically  from  the  foundation  of  our  government  opened 
our  doors  to  an  unlimited  foreign  immigration.  Peoples  from 
all  nations,  seeking  to  better  their  lives,  have  come  to  our  shores, 
bringing  with  them  the  ideals  and  impressions  of  their  native 
lands.  In  these  migrations  certain  elements  have  followed  their 
innate  promptings,  while  others  have  been  encouraged  by  in- 
fluences of  a  selfish  nature.  In  order  that  a  certain  group  of 
citizens  may  secure  cheap  labor  in  the  conduct  of  their  affairs, 
the  State  legalizes  and  encourages  an  excess  of  foreign  immi- 
gration, thus  enfranchising  a  large  mass  of  alien  population, 
little  acquainted  with  the  form  or  spirit  of  our  national  in- 
stitutions, and  serving  as  a  corrupting  influence  upon  con- 
tending political  factions  or  parties  through  the  venal  dispo- 
sition of  the  sacred  ballot.  Instead  of  limiting  immigration  to 
the  urgent  needs  of  the  country,  and  to  such  as  may  be  properly 
assimilated  and  converted  into  a  true  citizenship,  unlimited 
numbers  from  every  land  are  imported,^  to  the  injury  of  them- 
selves and  the  undoing  of  their  adopted  country. 

(This  unwise  dilution  of  the  citizenship  can  but  be  finally 
fatal  to  patriotism  and  the  best  interests  of  the  State.  This 
shortsighted  policy  must  eventually  lead  to  the  disruption  of 
the  State  adopting  it;  for  it  is  not  conceivable  that  a  hetero- 

149 


150  AMERICAN    PRUsTCIPLES 

geneity  of  national  spirit  will  continue  to  center  around  the 
former  ideals.  The  old  ideals,  in  such  circumstances,  must 
change  and  mold  themselves  to  the  new  national  thought,  the  one 
or  the  other  predominating,  according  to  the  relative  virility 
of  the  thinking  factors.  It  thus  frequently  comes  about  that 
the  nation  is  completely  foreignized  and  loses  all  its  former 
characteristics,  finally  degenerating,  through  the  lack  of  pa- 
triotic spirit,  into  a  lawless  community  in  which  all  power  for 
self-government  is  lost,  and  a  despotic  and  tyrannical  oligarchy 
is  substituted  for  a  liberal  and  beneficent  democracy. 

rThese  facts  do  not  necessarily  operate  to  the  disparagement 
of  the  quality  of  the  foreigners  admitted,  but  spring  from  the 
very  nature  of  man.  Thirst  for  material  gain  is  inherent  in 
the  human  heart.  Man  does  not  seek  more  liberty,  as  a  rule, 
when  he  leaves  his  native  land,  but  more  wealth  whereby  he 
hopes  to  enjoy  more  of  the  world^s  comforts  and  influence.  He 
is,  therefore,  not  so  much  interested  in  the  character  of  the 
adopted  nation's  political  institutions  as  in  its  material  re- 
sources. The  former  he  will  be  likely  to  ignore,  if  he  can 
acquire  the  latter.  Having  little  knowledge  of  or  interest  in 
the  political  requirements  of  the  nation  he  has  ostensibly 
espoused,  he  readily  disposes  of  his  newly  acquired  power  to 
the  highest  bidder  for  favor  or  preferment  in  his  particular  line 
of  industry.  ^  A  venal  element  is  thus  injected  into  the  body 
politic,  which  cannot  fail  to  corrupt  ambitious  demagogues  and 
selfish  office-seekers. 

Instead  of  proceeding  immediately  to  instruct  and  educate 
these  new  citizens  in  the  principles  of  our  government,  with 
a  view  of  making  them  desirable  and  useful  electors,  we  have 
cast  them  an  easy  prey  into  the  hands  of  the  designing  demav 
gogue  who  marshals  and  marches  them  to  the  polls,  to  cast 
an  ignorant  ballot  in  the  undermining  of  the  nation  they  have 
sworn  to  support.  To  facilitate  the  desired  education,  in  the 
interval  between  his  declaration  of  intention  to  become  a  citi- 
zen and  the  day  of  his  final  naturalization,  the  foreigner  should 
be  compelled  to  undergo  instruction  in  the  principles  and  func- 
tions of  democracy.  For  the  first  six  months  of  this  period, 
he  should  be  compelled  to  attend  night  school  where  he  should 


AMEKICANIZATION  151 

be  taught  English  and  something  concerning  free  institutions, 
and  to  this  end,  he  should  be  required  to  keep  the  government 
informed  of  his  whereabouts.  On  making  a  change  of  residence, 
he  should  be  required  to  notify  the  proper  authorities  of  such 
intention,  so  that  the  government  may  be  able  to  pursue  with- 
out interruption  its  policy  of  education. 

After  this  brief  period  of  preparation,  the  prospective  citi- 
zen should  be  required  to  attend  regular  lectures  on  Ameri- 
canism and  the  principles  for  which  it  stands.  The  govern- 
ment should  employ  competent  public  instructors  whose  duty 
it  should  be  to  compulsorily  call  the  foreign  elements,  seeking 
citizenship,  in  mass-meetings  throughout  the  nation,  in  order 
to  teach  the  principles  of  democracy  as  expressed  in  our  na- 
tional Constitution,  the  purpose  and  purity  of  the  ballot,  and 
the  sanctity  of  patriotism  and  civic  responsibility.  Such  teaching 
should  not  be  spasmodic,  under  which  circumstances  it  is  likely 
to  fail,  but  regular  and  persistent;  and  such  teachers  should 
be  selected  from  among  the  purest  patriots  of  the  nation,  who, 
knowing  the  full  importance  of  their  task,  devote  their  ener- 
gies and  consecrate  their  lives  to  its  accomplishment. 

Such  public  instruction  would  stimulate  the  new  citizen's 
pride  in  himself  and  his  adopted  country,  and  lead  him  into 
an  honest  and  faithful  use  of  the  ballot.  He  would  then  no 
longer  be  a  plaything  in  the  hands  of  the  selfish  politician,  but 
an  honest  and  patriotic  American  citizen,  walking  with  calm 
visage  and  head  erect  among  his  peers. 

The  public  press,  useful  as  it  is  as  a  public  educator,  cannot 
be  wholly  relied  upon  to  accomplish  this  desideration.  Its  func- 
tion lies  along  somewhat  different  lines.  The  government  only,  by 
overcoming  opposition  of  selfish  politics  which  would  be  certain  to 
rise  against  such  a  procedure,  can  undertake  this  important  work. 

Such  educational  activity  by  the  government  could  not 
fail  to  create  a  nobler  citizenship  and  a  better  country.  Some 
such  system  of  Americanization,  properly  elaborated,  must  be 
established;  and  apparently  very  soon,  if  we  are  to  retain  our 
national  identity,  and  not  become  a  mere  shadow  of  what  we 
once  were.  Let  the  people  beware  of  opposition  to  Americaniz- 
ing the  foreigner;  there  is  design  in  such  propaganda. 


AN  INTERNATIONAL  PEACE  LEAGUE 

No  nation  can  live  to  itself  alone.  The  modern  bonds  of 
intercourse  among  nations  render  the  isolation  of  any  particu- 
lar nation  impossible.  Water,  air,  and  ether  have  conspired  to 
bring  the  nations  of  the  world  into  neighborly  relations,  and 
to  indicate  the  approaching  confraternity  of  human  life.  Every 
nation  is  thus  more  or  less  dependent  upon  every  other,  whether 
it  wills  or  not.  The  blending  of  the  world's  thought  and  feel- 
ing impels  men  toward  mutual  harmony.  How  important,  then, 
that  cordial  and  friendly  relations  should  characterize  the 
mutual  conduct  of  governments.  If  the  governing  bodies  are 
truly  representative  of  the  people  they  are  supposed  to  faith- 
fully serve,  they  should  recognize  this  trend  of  thought,  and 
serve  accordingly.  It  is  highly  necessary  that  governments 
should  be  more  acutely  responsive  to  the  popular  will.  They 
should  more  deeply  appreciate  they  are  but  the  servants  and  not 
the  masters  of  the  people.  Nevertheless,  the  spirit  of  ancient 
absolutism  is  not  yet  entirely  dead,  and  in  every  government 
its  relics  linger  to  retard  the  wheels  of  progress.  The  evolu- 
tion of  government,  like  that  of  civilization,  is  extremely  slow. 
It  is  a  toilsome  march  which  leads  toward  the  broader  and  more 
liberal  life  of  the  world,  but  we  are  on  the  way. 

The  physical,  intellectual,  and  spiritual  development  of  man 
must  be  effected  chiefly  through  the  instrumentality  of  govern- 
ment. It  is  the  paramount  duty  of  government  to  foster  the 
happiness  and  progress  of  the  citizen.  This  obligation  is  de- 
feated by  waging  destructive  war,  except  in  the  emergency  of 
national  defense  or  in  the  protection  and  preservation  of  a 
great  principle;  but  is  favored  and  facilitated  by  a  harmonious 
and  friendly  co-operation  of  the  world  powers  to  this  end.  But 
this  friendly  co-operation  will  be  attainable  only  when  frankness, 
truth,  and  justice  shall  characterize  international  relations,  and 
mutual  confidence  be  thereby  established  among  the  world's 
commonwealths.  It  is  right,  then,  that  every  nation  should 
maintain  a  frank  and  impartial  attitude  toward  every  other, 
and   avoid   all   subterfuge   and  hypocrisy   in  its  international 

152 


AlSr   INTEENATION^AL   PEACE   LEAGUE        153 

dealings.  To  this  end,  the  citizens  of  one  nation  should,  under 
no  circumstances,  be  allowed  to  carry  on  propaganda  in  another, 
except  at  its  earnest  solicitation,  and  then  only  reluctantly.  Such 
propaganda,  by  injecting  extraneous  sentiment  and  sometimes 
passion  into  the  established  and  customary  channels  of  na- 
tional thought,  may  conflict  with  and  ultimately  defeat  the 
benevolent  policies  of  the  State  thus  invaded,  and  lead  to  hos- 
tile feelings  if  not  action.  Such  procedure  is  meddlesome  and 
practically  malicious,  and  should  be  rigorously  prohibited.  There 
can  be  no  effectual  international  co-operation  in  the  interest  of 
peace  and  good-will  among  the  nations  so  long  as  there  is  in- 
ternational suspicion  and  distrust.  Mankind  will  have  to  re- 
quire fair  dealing  on  the  part  of  governments  if  it  is  ulti- 
mately to  enjoy  the  blessings  of  a  lasting  peace,  steady  progress, 
and  perpetual  liberty. 

Some  happy  concert  of  action  looking  to  the  establishment 
of  an  effective  system  for  settling  international  disputes  and 
avoiding  the  disaster  of  destructive  war  is  obligatory  upon  the 
world.  And  no  time  is  more  auspicious  for  beginning  these 
advanced  endeavors  than  the  present  when  the  world  lies  bleed- 
ing and  impoverished  by  the  most  cruel  and  unconscionable 
war  of  all  history.  Every  nation  should  join  with  freedom  and 
fairness  every  other  in  a  peace  and  good-will  league,  binding 
itself  to  use  its  strength  and  wealth  to  suppress  lawless  and  war- 
like aspirations  wherever  and  whenever  they  may  arise.  The 
passive  recognition  of  the  principle  will  avail  nothing;  only 
its  active  and  positive  application  will  be  followed  by  the  de- 
sired results.  Such  a  league  of  nations  in  the  interest  of  peace 
and  progress  could  not  fail  to  secure  far-reaching  results  in 
the  advancement  of  the  world's  affairs. 

To  the  true  statesmen  of  the  period  must  be  confided  this 
great  task.  They  alone  must  solve  the  problem,  and  the  solu- 
tion must  follow  the  lines  of  present  and  past  experience.  In 
every  well-ordered  State  the  citizen  is  required  to  submit  his 
differences  to  an  impartial  tribunal.  He  is  not  allowed  to  run 
amuck,  and  disturb  the  calm  and  serenity  of  the  community, 
but  must  rely  for  justice  in  his  cause  upon  the  authorized  tri- 
bunal ;  and  when  that  tribunal  has  reached  its  decision,  the  police 


164  AMERICAN    PEINCIPLES 

power  of  the  State  enforces  it.  This  principle^  so  essential 
to  the  lawful  well-being  of  the  State  and  the  happiness  of  its 
people,  should  be  extended  by  international  agreement  to  affect 
the  welfare  of  the  sisterhood  of  nations.  Why  should  a  nation 
be  allowed  to  run  amuck  and  destroy  the  calm  and  serenity  of 
its  neighbors,  or  overwhelm  the  peace  of  the  world  ?  Why  should 
mankind  suppress  recalcitrance  in  the  citizen  and  encourage  it 
in  the  nation?  Do  not  its  welfare  and  progress  require  that 
both  should  subscribe  to  ethical  principles  ?  How  is  it  possible 
for  humanity  to  advance  uninterruptedly  along  the  path  of  its 
destiny,  so  long  as  the  life  and  labors  of  the  individual  are 
ruthlessly  destroyed  by  the  military  ambition  of  the  nation — 
a  segregated  mass  of  his  fellows?  If  it  is  well  for  the  indi- 
vidual to  subscribe  to  ethical  law,  why  is  it  not  even  better 
for  the  nation  to  do  so  ?  We  rightly  punish  the  individual  for 
taking  human  life,  but  wrongly  glorify  and  bless  the  nation  for 
murdering  its  millions.  The  same  ethical  principles  should 
and  eventually  will  rule  in  the  life  of  both.  Individual  judg- 
ment may  collapse  for  reasons  that  are  apparent,  but  the  col- 
lective judgment  of  the  nation,  buttressed  as  it  is  by  the  guid- 
ing precepts  of  history,  may  not  fail  without  just  retribution. 
Neither  can  a  nation  stand  aloof  from  such  a  beneficent 
concert  of  powers  without  subjecting  itself  to  merited  criti- 
cism— without  bringing  itself  under  justifiable  suspicion  and 
distrust.  The  collapse  of  the  recent  endeavor  to  create  an  in- 
ternational peace  league  is  one  of  the  most  uriorfunate  and 
discouraging  events  in  the  history  of  the  world.  We  may  scan 
in  vain  the  pages  of  human  annals  for  a  comparable  calamity. 
The  great  war  just  ended  was  a  struggle  between  the  liberal 
and  the  reactionary  forces  of  the  world.  The  remaining  abso- 
lutism of  former  periods,  under  the  direction  of  a  military 
caste,  undertook  the  restoration  of  the  old  order,  and  to  sub- 
ject the  world  to  it.  Secret  preparedness  gave  these  forces 
great  advantage  over  the  peaceful  and  unprepared  forces  of 
progress,  and  after  a  war  of  more  than  three  years,  they  began 
their  final  drive  to-  complete  the  overthrow  of  popular  liberty. 
It  was  in  this  crisis  that  the  appeal  for  help  reached  America. 
Though  distant  from  the  theatre  of  action,  she  did  not  hesitate 


AN  INTEENATIONAL  PEACE  LEAGUE    155 

in  the  course  to  pursue,  but,  marshaling  her  best  and  noblest 
blood,  rushed  to  the  rescue,  and  on  many  famous  fields  fought 
the  victorious  battles  for  world  freedom.  She  had  no  material 
or  selfish  ambitions  to  satisfy,  but  spent  her  treasure  and  spilt 
her  blood  for  a  great  principle — ^that  mankind  might  be  free 
and  that  all  nations,  great  and  small,  might  enjoy  the  fruits 
of  liberty,  either  independently  where  they  were  al)le  to  enforce 
these  principles,  or  under  the  protection  and  guidance  of  older 
and  more  experienced  nations,  if  their  own  experience  in  the 
science  of  efficient  government  was  unequal  to  the  great  task  of 
conducting  with  success  the  destinies  of  their  peoples. 

The  war  was  thus  brought  to  an  end,  and  the  reactionary 
autocracies  were  suppressed.  Now  came  up  the  question  of 
some  scheme  by  which  a  repetition  of  this  great  disaster  to 
the  world  might  in  future  be  prevented.  This  desideratum  was 
to  be  one  of  the  chief  fruits  of  victory.  The  leadership  in  this 
great  move  was  by  all  conceded  to  America,  the  champion  of 
liberty  and  human  rights.  She  was  now  regarded  as  the  de- 
fender of  the  weak  and  oppressed  everywhere,  and  the  eyes  of 
the  world  were  turned  to  her  as  savior  and  guide.  It  would 
be  difficult  to  overestimate  the  esteem  in  which  she  was  univer- 
sally held.  Even  envy  kept  herself  aloof.  Only  honor  and 
glory  attended  her.  After  much  discussion,  influenced  more  or 
less  as  was  natural  by  old  prejudices,  recent  passions,  and  sel- 
fish interests,  the  scheme  finally  took  the  form  of  a  constitution 
of  a  league  of  nations,  under  whose  provisions  war  was  to  be 
prevented  and  the  happiness  and  safety  of  the  world  safeguarded. 
This  League  of  Nations  was  to  perpetuate,  as  far  as  it  was 
humanly  possible  to  do  so,  the  blessings  of  peace  in  the  family 
of  nations.  But  soon  discordant  voices  were  heard  on  the  Amer- 
ican side  of  the  Atlantic,  and  these  grew  more  strident  as  time 
went  by.  These  voices  were  raised  in  obedience  to  a  spirit 
of  selfish  party  partisanship  and  personal  animus  against  the 
American  spokesman  in  the  peace  conference.  Desirous  of 
doing  all  possible  to  please  American  sentiment,  the  nations 
in  conference  agreed  to  rewrite  the  Constitution,  and  so  adjust 
it  as  to  remove  all  objections  brought  against  it.  To  assist  in 
this  work,  the  President  absented  himself  from  the  conference 


156  AMERICAN    PRINCIPLES 

and  returned  home,  in  order  to  present  the  facts  at  close  range 
to  the  people ;  and  after  explaining  the  salient  provisions  of  the 
League  Constitution  and  obtaining  all  information  possible 
regarding  any  doubts  thereto,  he  returned  to  Paris  and  with 
his  colleagues  resumed  the  labor  of  perfecting  the  instrument. 
When  the  new  text  was  prepared,  it  was  duly  signed  by  the 
conferees  and  promptly  referred  to  their  respective  govern- 
ments for  ratification.  In  due  time,  this  was  effected  by  all 
the  allied  nations  except  America,  who  killed  it  in  the  senate 
and  thus  cast  in  ruins  the  hopes  of  mankind.  Who  can  ade- 
quately appreciate  the  shock,  consternation,  and  despair,  into 
which  this  act  threw  the  world  ?  It  saw  the  return  of  old  con- 
ditions, and  the  necessity  of  bearing  new  burdens  in  prepara- 
tion for  future  wars  in  which  it  will  again  be  called  upon  to 
sacrifice  the  blood  of  its  best  sons.  Is  it  any  wonder  that  it 
has  fallen  into  Chaos  ?  The  steadying  hand  has  been  withdrawn, 
and  there  is  a  scramble  for  what  may  be  gained.  Mankind  will, 
indeed,  be  fortunate  if  universal  unrest  and  war  do  not  super- 
vene. And  all  this  by  America,  the  champion  of  liberty,  who 
fought  so  valiantly  and  strove  so  well  for  perpetual  world 
peace ! 

It  is  but  natural  that  there  should  be  a  revulsion  of  sen- 
timent against  us.  For  to  us  must  be  attributed  much  of  the 
world's  governmental  unrest.  The  Peace  League  is  not  dead, 
it  is  true,  but  moribund  and  can  linger  only  a  brief  period 
unless  America  comes  to  the  rescue.  The  League  in  form  and 
name  may  continue,  but  it  will  not  be  a  peace  league  but  a 
military  league,  which  will  be  actuated  by  the  same  old  warlike 
spirit  of  former  times — the  curse  of  the  world.  And  since 
America  has  repudiated  the  principle  of  universal  and  perpetual 
peace  by  refusing  to  enter  a  scheme  by  which  an  effort  was  to 
be  made  to  enforce  it,  it  is  but  natural  that  she  would  be  re- 
garded as  a  possible  future  enemy.  The  machinery  of  the  pro- 
posed Peace  League  may  thus  eventually  be  turned  into  an 
instrument  of  war  against  its  once  greatest  and  most  powerful 
proponent.     Is  this  an  impossibility?     Let  us  reflect. 

Our  attitude  is  anything  but  creditable.  An  illustration 
may  more  clearly  demonstrate  it :    In  a  peaceful  and  prosperous 


AN    INTEENATIONAL   PEACE    LEAGUE        157 

community,  whose  future  appeared  to  be  in  every  way  secure, 
there  arose  an  unforeseen  conflict  which  almost  destroyed  it. 
The  trouble  began  when  a  certain  group  of  its  citizens,  more 
aggressive  and  reactionary  than  the  rest,  conspired  to  control 
and  exploit  their  neighbors.  They  formed  a  mutual  tinder- 
standing  and  quietly  went  about  making  preparations  to  carry 
out  their  designs;  and  when  they  considered  themselves  ready 
for  the  enterprise,  they  proceeded  to  undertake  the  work. 

The  peaceable  neighbors,  though  in  the  majority,  not  ap- 
prehending such  danger,  were  not  prepared  for  it  and  were 
therefore  at  great  disadvantage.  However,  they  soon  recovered 
from  the  shock  and  responded  heroically  to  the  defense  of  their 
interests,  including  not  only  their  material  possessions  but  their 
freedom  as  well;  and  for  a  time  kept  at  bay  the  triumphant 
advance  of  the  enemy.  But  there  came  a  time  at  last  when 
they  were  exhausted,  and  the  superior  preparation  of  their  an- 
tagonists made  their  cause  desperate.  When  all  was  apparently 
lost,  they  appealed  to  Jones,  who  lived  some  distance  away  and 
had  hitherto  taken  but  a  modest  part  in  community  aifairs.  Not 
that  he  was  indifferent  to  such  interest  but  that  he  was  busy 
with  his  own  immediate  affairs  and  was  willing  to  leave  the 
conduct  of  general  affairs  in  large  measure  to  his  neighbors. 
But  Jones,  who  was  a  young  and  powerful  man,  with  ample 
means  to  secure  all  the  requisites  of  defense,  now  perceived  that 
if  his  peaceable  neighbors  were  overthrown,  he  would  be  the 
next  victim;  and  to  save  himself  and  them  and  to  prevent  a 
recurrence  of  such  danger  in  the  future,  threw  himself  into 
the  fray  and,  by  his  young  and  fresh  strength,  beat  back  the 
reactionary  group  and  won  the  conflict.  All  eyes  were  at  once 
turned  upon  Jones  as  the  hero  of  the  struggle  and  all  were 
willing  to  follow  his  lead  as  champion  of  the  community  rights. 
He  and  his  allied  neighbors  at  once  proceeded  to  disarm  their 
enemies  and  to  put  them  in  that  condition  in  which,  it  is  be- 
lieved, they  could  not  become  a  future  menace  to  the  peaceful 
community.  Moreover,  Jones  now  suggested  that,  in  order  to 
protect  the  peace,  order,  and  respectability  of  the  community 
against  the  possibility  of  such  disorderly  recurrences,  all  peace- 
able citizens  come  to  a  mutual  understanding  and  agree  to  co- 


158  AMEEICAN    PRINCIPLES 

operate  to  that  end.  After  some  hesitancy,  all  finally  agreed 
that  the  project  was  a  worthy  one  and,  to  make  the  agreement 
effective,  drew  np  a  written  document  in  which  all  agreed  to 
do  their  respective  parts  in  carrying  out  the  purpose  in  view. 

On  the  day  set  for  the  allied  neighbors  to  sign  the  agree- 
ment, they  all  did  so  except  Jones,  who  refused  upon  the 
flimsy  excuse  that  his  personal  interests  and  freedom  would 
suffer  too  much,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  he  was  the  chief 
advocate  of  the  scheme  and  had  the  principal  part  in  drawing 
up  the  written  agreement.  Is  it  not  natural  that  the  allies  of 
Jones  would  look  askance  at  his  action?  It  is  not  natural  that 
Jones,  who  thus  repudiated  his  own  work,  would  be  regarded 
with  suspicion  by  his  former  associates?  And  inasmuch  as  he 
rejected  the  only  measure  deemed  fit  to  prevent  future  dis- 
turbances, is  he  not  likely  to  be  regarded  as  a  possible  future 
enemy?  And,  under  such  circumstances,  would  he  not  be 
likely  to  be  classed  with  the  troublesome  neighbors  as  one  to 
be  watched,  and  against  whom  the  others  might  at  some  time 
be  compelled  to  act? 

Jones  should  have  gone  into  the  league  and  done  his  part 
as  a  faithful  and  true  citizen  and  ally  in  preserving  the  peace, 
harmony,  and  freedom  of  his  fellow  citizens,  realizing  that  his 
welfare  was  bound  up  in  theirs,  and  that  they  could  not  suffer 
without  his  feeling  the  same  pangs. 

The  attitude  of  Jones  toward  his  trusting  neighbors  and 
the  community  is  that  of  ourselves  toward  our  trusting  allies 
and  the  world.  We  cannot  afford  to  let  such  an  opportunity 
pass.  It  is  the  opportunity  of  all  time.  'No  such  favor  has  been 
conferred  by  Providence  upon  a  nation  since  the  beginning  of 
history.  We  have  the  opportunity  to  be  forever  blessed  or  for- 
ever cursed  by  mankind.  We  cannot  be  censured  for  protecting 
our  vital  interests,  but  we  must  do  our  part  of  the  world^s  great 
work.  No  self-respecting  nation  can  afford  to  do  less.  Let  us 
return  to  stricken  humanity  the  helping  hand  we  have  with- 
drawn, and  assist  in  staying  the  onrush  of  the  destructive  tide. 
Let  us  not  fail  to  meet  the  just  demands  of  the  world  crisis. 
Let  us  not  tempt  the  subtle  currents  of  retribution.  Let  it  not 
be  said  our  dead  have  died  in  vain.    Let  us  not  disgrace  their 


AN    I]SrTEENATIO:NrAL    PEACE    LEAGUE        159 

silent  bivouacs  by  repudiating  the  principles  for  which  they 
fought  and  died.  God  grant  us  clearness  of  vision  to  see 
aright  the  sacred  responsibilities  which  devolve  upon  us. 

It  is  only  by  some  system  as  that  now  under  consideration, 
properly  wrought  out  by  the  wise  and  unselfish  statesmanship 
of  the  age,  that  the  world  will  eventually  be  enabled  to  convert 
its  battleships  into  merchant  vessels,  its  engines  of  destruction 
into  those  of  construction,  to  dismantle  its  fortifications,  disband 
its  armies,  and  turn  its  warlike  energies  from  the  channels  of 
ruthless  devastation  into  those  of  prosperity,  progress,  and  peace. 
Such  a  benevolent  system  would  avoid  wholesale  human  slaughter, 
and  secure  the  blessings  of  universal  peace,  liberty,  equal- 
ity, and  fraternity  among  the  peoples  and  nations  of  the  world, 
and  expedite  the  final  settlement  of  the  huge  war  debts  now 
heaped  upon  the  bent  shoulders  of  weakened  mankind. 

No  passive  application  of  the  principle  will  ever  achieve 
aught  of  value;  only  its  positive  and  determined  exercise  can 
avail  on  behalf  of  world  peace. 


THE  PERILS  OF  DEMOCRACY 

The  foregoing  are  some  of  the  chief  functions  of  our  democ- 
racy to  which  the  people  should  direct  their  attention.  As 
civilization  advances  new  functions  of  government  will  present 
tliemselves  requiring  to  he  met  by  the  intelligent  citizen. 

As  already  intimated  in  the  preceding  remarks,  the  efficient 
democracy  is  the  ideal  form  of  government;  but  is  the  most 
difficult  to  maintain  in  its  purity.  Here  the  people  rule  directly 
over  their  affairs  and  are  alone  responsible  for  the  results.  If 
they  maintain  their  intelligence  and  patriotic  devotion,  the  re- 
sults of  their  administrative  efforts  are  seen  in  their  rapid  ad- 
vancement ?  But  under  the  sway  of  a  corrupt  oligarchic  democ- 
racy, which  is  sure  to  develop  from  popular  indifference  and 
neglect,  the  nation  fares  no  better  than  under  the  galling  yoke 
of  the  despot.  Instead  of  one  depraved  ruler  to  serve  there 
are  many  whose  rapacity  and  avarice  must  be  considered  and 
composed  if,  indeed,  it  is  in  the  power  of  a  people  to  do  so. 
Conspiracy  and  assassination,  under  such  a  regime,  are  the 
order  of  the  day;  and  the  public  treasury  is  plundered  to  fill 
the  private  purse.  Class  legislation,  with  all  its  attending  evils, 
is  the  main  support  of  such  a  State. 

To  retain  their  power,  which  is  their  only  weapon  of  defense, 
corrupt  officials  .willingly  debauch  the  citizen  through  the  prac- 
tice of  secret  bribery  or  direct  or  indirect  threat  upon  his  life 
or  property,  or  curry  his  favor  by  bestowing  upon  him  unearned 
benefits  or  unmerited  privileges.  The  appeals  of  the  poor  classes 
are  completely  ignored,  or  answered  by  an  imjust  penalization, 
involving  only  too  often  an  indefinite  loss  of  liberty.  The  laws, 
in  most  instances,  are  not  only  framed  with  a  view  to  special 
privilege,  but  are  enforced  mth  partiality.  The  poor  receive 
the  full  pressure  of  unwise  legislation,  while  the  rich  and  power- 
ful are  assisted  in  escaping  their  due  proportion  of  responsi-  < 
bility  to  the  State,  and  may  even  be  aided  in  increasing  their 
wealth,  which  is,  in  many  instances,  ill  gotten,  at  the  expense 
of  their  less  fortunate  fellow  citizens,  through  pilfering  the 
people  by  every  species  of  legalized  extortion. 

160 


THE    PEEILS    OF    DEMOCEACY  161 

Public  education  is  neglected,  and  the  mental  and  ethical 
training  of  the  people  declines  and  ultimately  reaches  a  state 
in  which  cowardly  and  supine  submission  to  oppression  and 
tyranny  is  accepted  without  protest  or  complaint.  The  purest 
and  best  citizens,  imbued  with  the  insatiable  greed  of  the  hour, 
and  fearing  lest  some  material  advantage  may  escape  them, 
often  willingly  lend  themselves  to  unethical  procedures  which, 
in  their  collective  effects,  gradually  sap  the  wholesome  and 
healthful  spirit  of  the  national  life  and  ultimately  initiate  a 
steady  and  fatal  decline;  and  such  citizens,  to  justify  their, 
conduct  in  this  regard,  often  unhesitatingly  attempt  to  excuse 
the  unfortunate  national  situation  to  which  they  themselves 
have  so  unwisely  and  unpatriotically  contributed. 

The  judiciary  ceases  to  be  what  it  was  intended  to  be — 
a  system  for  meting  out  impartial  justice  to  all — and  becomes  a 
servile  instrument  for  the  distribution  of  a  destructive  favor- 
itism. Instead  of  all  men  being  equal  before  the  law,  under  the 
operation  of  a  corrupt  judiciary,  bribery,  and  political  favor- 
itism defeat  the  ends  of  justice,  and  the  culprit  goes  scot  free  or 
escapes  with  a  minor  penalty  for  his  offense,  while  the  inno- 
cent is  often  penalized  in  heavy  damages  or  is  proportionately 
bereft  of  his  liberty.  Under  the  procedure  of  such  a  judiciary, 
justice  becomes  a  travesty,  and  the  court  becomes  an  auxiliary 
partisan  machine.  Nor  is  this  all.  Patriotism  and  respect  for 
law  sicken  and.  die  under  the  instillation  of  the  subtile  poison 
of  civic  injustice,  and  the  citizen  finally  looks  with  indifference 
or  contempt  upon  his  responsibility  to  the  State,  as  he  joins 
in  the  mad  rush  for  pelf  and  power.  Public  office,  instead  of 
being  a  public  trust,  becomes  a  private  gain  and  the  corrupt 
instrument  for  popular  oppression;  while  the  officeholder,  in- 
stead of  being  the  willing  servant  of  the  community,  arrogates 
to  himself  the  prerogative  of  master,  and  too  often  proceeds 
to  show  his  power  by  an  arrogant  and  haughty  treatment  of 
those  who  placed  him  in  authority.  Moreover,  he  abuses  his, 
authority  by  extending  favors  to  political  or  other  adherents, 
to  the  detriment  and  injury  of  the  public  service.  This  ex- 
ploitation of  public  office  for  private  gain  is  a  fatal  blow  at 
the  liberties  of  the  people,  and  should  be  penalized  under  the 

11 


162  AMERICAN    PRINCIPLES 

severest  enactments.  Tliese  officers  are  frequently  men  of  the 
most  mediocre  character;  and  while  many  of  them  are  of 
naturally  benevolent  temperament,  they  are  mostly  unable  to 
reach  the  high  level  of  real  patriotism  in  its  true  significance. 
The  service  thus  rendered  must  necessarily  be  of  a  mediocre 
nature.  Nor  can  it  be  otherwise,  since  its  quality  must  depend 
upon  the  quality  of  the  intelligence  rendering  it.  Through 
ignorance  more  than  from  unethical  considerations,  these  officers 
often  use  their  influence  with  mediocre  legislatures  to  create 
unnecessary  positions  for  their  political  associates  and  friends, 
thus  greatly  increasing  the  burdens  of  taxation,  and  absorbing 
large  sums  that  could  be  used  in  public  improvements  and  in 
bettering  those  already  in  existence.  This  practice  not  only 
allows  these  officers  to  appear  grateful  to  their  political  adher- 
ents, but  increases  their  voting  pow^er  by  these  new  accessions 
of  strength.  The  democracy  should  seek  the  best  and  most 
intelligent  citizens  as  public  servants,  and  grant  sufficient  sala- 
ries to  enable  them  to  give  their  full  time  and  undivided  energies 
to  the  public  service.  Moreover,  these  officers,  from  the  high- 
est to  the  lowest,  should  lose  their  right  to  vote  during  their 
tenure.  They  naturally  will  use  their  voting  power  to  con- 
tinue their  tenure  of  office,  and  may  thus  defeat  the  wishes  of 
the  people.  They  should  be  disfranchised  on  entering  office 
and  reinf ranch ised  on  leaving  it.  In  no  other  way,  may  the 
people  protect  themselves  against  such  imposition  or  abuse  of 
power. 

Again,  such  a  corrupt  system  of  government  fosters  the 
growth  of  a  dangerous  class  consciousness  and  group  selfishness 
whereby  a  hodgepodge  of  conflictirig  sentiment  is  substituted 
for  the  harmony  of  a  true  national  spirit.  The  wealthy  classes 
or  groups  assume  a  superiority  over  the  law,  while  the  poorer 
classes  or  groups  take  an  attitude  of  defiance  of  organized 
authority ;  and  both  despise  the  rights  of  the  people.  Instead  of 
being  the  impartial  governor  of  all  classes,  and  forcing  them 
into  a  willing  obedience  to  the  State,  such  an  administration, 
by  cowardly  cajoling  here  and  placating  there,  finally  succeeds 
in  bringing  all  classes  into  mutual  conflict  and  hostility  toward 
the  legal  authority. 


THE    PEEILS    OF    DEMOCEACY  163 

Under  such  a  corrupt  regime,  the  favored  citizen,  to  en- 
hance his  pecuniary  gain,  is  legalized  to  speculate  in  the  food 
materials  of  the  people  and  other  necessities  of  their  daily  life, 
or  to  dispense  to  his  weak  fellow  citizen  a  poison  which  not 
only  robs  him  of  his  life  and  honor,  but  pauperizes  and  debases 
those  dependent  upon  him.  The  State,  if  such  a  society  can 
be  properly  called  a  State,  to  fill  its  coffers,  too  often  depleted 
by  dishonest  practices,  willingly  legali^s  the  destruction  of  its 
citizenry  by  permitting  the  manufacture  and  sale  of  noxious  and 
habit-forming  drugs  and  beverages,  which  invariably  lead  to 
the  lowering  of  their  efficiency  and  to  the  final  debasement  of 
the  commonwealth  through  the  perpetration  of  every  species 
of  crime;  and,  in  the  punishment  of  such  a  citizen  for  the  per- 
petration of  a  crime  to  which  the  State  itself  has  largely  con- 
tributed, it  not  only  deprives  him  of  his  liberty,  a  very  correct 
procedure  in  most  instances,  but  it  also  deprives  him  of  his 
ability  to  contribute  to  the  necessities  of  those  dependent  upon 
him,  just  as  if  they  also  were  particeps  criminis  and  deserved 
the  same  penalty  and  were  not  sufficiently  abased  in  the  un- 
fortunate fate  of  the  head  or  member  of  the  household.  The 
real  democracy  will  rise  above  such  ruinous  practices. 

Behind  the  dais  of  this  faithless  political  power  stalks  the 
grim  specter  of  a  cunning  ecclesiasticism  which  always  was  and 
always  will  be  the  inseparable  partner  of  oppression  and  tyr- 
anny. This  is  true  irrespective  of  religion,  creed  or  historical 
period.  It  intrenches  itself  behind  the  ramparts  of  the  cor- 
rupted commonwealth  and,  through  the  creation  of  class  legis- 
lation, the  subsidizing  or  intimidating  of  the  public  press,  and 
the  distortion  of  the  real  functions  of  the  public  educational 
systems,  steadily  encroaches  upon  the  religious  prerogatives  of 
the  citizen  until  he  has  been  shorn  of  his  inalienable  right  to 
worship  God  according  to  the  dictates  of  his  own  conscience. 
N'ot  only  does  it  arrogate  to  itself  the  right  to  dictate  the  reli- 
gious thought  and  policy  of  the  nation,  but,  in  all  ages,  has 
assumed  to  dominate  the  political  direction  of  the  State,  to 
control  the  administration  of  public  affairs,  to  the  end  that  its 
ruinous  purposes  may  be  fully  carried  out.  Down  with  liberal- 
ism and  up  with  reactionism  is  now  the  slogan  of  the  hour. 


164  AMERICAN    PRINCIPLES 

The  oppressive  mandates  of  the  tyrannous  ruling  class  are 
forced  upon  a  suffering  people  through  the  influence  of  a  mon- 
strous hierarchy  which  adds  to  the  power  of  cunning  persuasion 
the  pretended  will  of  God.  Absolutism  in  religion  like  Abso- 
lutism in  government  has  ever  been  the  most  potent  paralyzant 
to  human  progress  and  development. 

Insidiously  and  relentlessly,  like  the  mighty  glacier  in  its 
descent  from  the  mountain  top,  this  cyclone  of  national  pol- 
lution moves  on  its  way  destroying  the  noblest  landmarks  of 
popular  government  and  sweeping  it,  finally,  along  with  all  it 
means  to  human  happiness,  into  the  vortex  of  common  ruin. 
This  subtle  power,  this  creeping  paralysis,  eventually  pervades 
and  perverts  every  phase  of  national  life,  and  what  was  once 
a  free  and  spirited  people  becomes  a  horde  of  cringing  slaves 
to  a  corrupt  union  of  Church  and  State.  The  mace  of  the 
despot  and  the  crozier  of  the  prelate  now  wave  with  relentless 
sway  over  a  fallen  race. 

Such  is  the  tyranny  of  the  religious  concept,  without  ref- 
erence to  age,  creed  or  sect,  when  corrupted  from  its  true  mis- 
sion. Such  is  the  penalty  of  an  indifferent  electorate.  Such  is 
the  final  punishment  of  a  people  who  attribute  more  importance 
to  material  gain  than  to  intellectual  and  spiritual  development. 
Such  is  the  retribution  inflicted  by  Providence  upon  an  unworthy 
and  degenerate  race,  who,  ignoring  all  intuitional  and  inspira- 
tional right,  worship  exclusively  at  the  throne  of  Mammon. 

Such  a  corrupt  democracy,  maimed  and  crippled  in  every 
member,  moves  on  for  a  time  under  the  impetus  of  its  own 
momentum,  then  collapses  and  falls,  burying  under  its  ruins 
the  unworthy  citizenship  who  failed  to  defend  and  support  its 
true  principles.  Let  the  worthy  citizen,  under  whatever  form 
of  democracy  he  may  reside,  endeavor  always  to  promote  the 
true  principles  of  that  government,  and  to  counteract  the  rise 
of  evil  and  vicious  tendencies  which,  through  his  indifference 
and  neglect,  may  develop  into  destructive  forces,  ultimately 
eventuating  in  the  dissolution  of  the  nation  he  has  sworn  to 
protect  and  support.  No  citizen  who  has  the  right  to  call  him- 
self such  can  escape  this  responsibility  or  afford  to  ignore  the 
vital  demands  of  his  country.    He  cannot  afford  to  be  deceived 


THE    PEEILS    OF    DEMOCEACY  165 

into  believing  the  temporary  prosperity  of  his  country  is  a  per- 
manent blessing.  He  must  know  that  every  nation  will  sooner 
or  later  require  the  citizen^s  willing  sacrifice^  in  what  degree  will 
depend  upon  the  character  of  the  emergency  arising. 

In  view  of  all  the  dangers  that  lurk  along  the  pathway  of 
national  life,  especially  of  democracies,  it  is  riot  likely  that  the 
great  Eepublic,  of  which  we  have  the  honor  to  be  citizens,  will 
be  fortunate  enough  to  always  escape  the  foregoing  perils.  As 
they  have  impeded  the  progress  and  imperiled  the  life  of  every 
democracy  of  past  history,  it  is  not  logical  for  us  to  expect  that 
we  alone  shall  have  our  course  uncontested.  Our  great  nation 
will  sooner  or  later  certainly  be  compelled  to  thread  its  perilous 
way  along  the  uncertain  channel  of  governmental  destiny,  flanked 
as. it  will  be  on  either  side  by  the  frowning  evils  of  Scylla  and 
Charybdis.  There  is  much,  however,  in  the  nature  of  our 
government  and  the  spirit  of  our  people  to  lend  strength  to  a 
reasonable  expectancy  that  our  nation  will  pass  the  ordeal 
unscathed.  In  the  first  place,  our  system  of  popular  govern- 
ment is  founded  upon  the  inalienable  rights  of  men  to  an  exalted 
life,  a  rational  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  a  lofty  and  altruistic 
felicity,  springing  from  the  consciousness  that  all  men  are  equal 
before  the  law  and  in  the  right  to  opportunity.  In  fact,  our 
democracy  is  based  upon  the  indestructible  principles  which 
underlie  the  Divine  Government  of  the  universe,  and  thus  has 
within  itself  the  elements  of  permanency.  The  blessings  of 
opportunity  are  presented  by  our  Eepublic  to  every  citizen,  high 
or  low.  He  may  accept  or  reject  them.  That  is  a  matter  that 
concerns  him  alone.  Whether  he  shall  rise  to  the  highest  honors 
within  the  gift  of  the  nation,  or  be  content  to  labor  in  an  hum- 
bler field  of  usefulness,  is  left  entirely  to  his  efforts  and  capac- 
ity. If  he  fails  to  realize  the  full  scope  of  his  ambition  or  a  full 
measure  of  success  and  prosperity,  he  must  attribute  his  failure 
to  his  own  shortcomings  or  to  the  fickleness  of  fortune  rather 
than  to  the  essential  nature  of  the  government  under  which  he 
lives.  ISTot  only  is  the  door  of  opportunity  thrown  open  to  every 
citizen,  but  he  is  even  prepared  to  avail  himself  of  it.  Great 
public  schools  and  state  universities  extend  to  him  the  price- 
less gift  of  a  liberal  education  and  thus  invite  him  to  higher 
and, more  splendid  achievements. 


166  AMERICAN    PRINCIPLES 

Every  citizen,  through  energy  and  economy,  also  may  ac- 
quire a  reasonable  share  of  the  world's  comforts,  and  thus  add 
to  his  happiness  and  usefulness  in  the  community. 

Moreover,  no  disturbing  force  is  hurled  between  him  and 
the  God  he  worships.  On  the  contrary,  perfect  freedom  of 
religious  worship  and  belief  is  guaranteed  to  every  citizen. 
This  is  an  inalienable  right  under  our  Constitution. 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  every  normal  material,  mental  and 
spiritual  aspiration  of  man  is  encouraged  and  developed  by  our 
system  of  government,  and  that  that  government,  by  its  benev- 
olent activities,  favors  the  creation  of  the  noblest  expression 
of  human  life.  Under  its  humane  auspices  we  may  live  in 
security  of  life,  liberty  and  property,  and  in  the  enjoyment  of 
that  full  measure  of  individual  freedom  and  civic  liberty,  so 
essential  to  individual  happiness  and  national  progress.  But  it 
cannot  afford  to  ignore  the  shortcomings  of  the  citizen.  While 
it  strives  to  bring  into  expression  and  action  the  best  qualities 
of  the  citizen,  it  nevertheless  lays  its  repressive  hand  on  the 
obstructive  evils  of  human  nature  and  subjects  them  to  a  logi- 
cal and  necessary  control.  Less  than  this  could  not  be  expected 
of  a  strong  and  efficient  system  of  government. 

Then,  again,  the  spirit  of  our  people  is  such  as  to  lead  us 
to  hope  for  a  perpetuity  of  our  institutions.  Hailing  from  every 
land,  they  are  familiar  with  the  evils  of  the  several  forms  of 
government  to  which  they  were  subject,  and  are,  therefore,  more 
likely  to  combat  these  evils  whenever  they  tend  to  arise  in  their 
new  homes.  Under  the  pride  and  stimulus  of  increased  free- 
dom and  prosperity  which  they  are  permitted  to  enjoy  through 
the  willing  beneficence  of  their  adopted  country  and  to  which 
they  were,  in  large  measure,  strangers  under  their  native  gov- 
ernments, they  rapidly  rise  from  the  desuetude  of  depressing 
poverty  to  the  exhilaration  of  liberty  and  independence,  and 
thus  contribute  their  new  spirit  and  virile  zeal  to  the  further 
advancement  of  our  civilization.  But  this  is  true  only  when, 
by  proper  education  and  national  training,  we  have  converted 
the  newcomer  into  a  true  American.  Then  only  does  he  be- 
come fully  impressed  with  the  responsibilities  and  duties  of 
American  citizenship,  and  is  thus  transformed  from  a  careless 


THE   PERILS    OP   DEMOCRACY  167 

and  indifferent  observer  into  an  ardent  lover  and  defender  of 
the  principles  of  free  democracy. 

By  extending  to  the  foreigner,  already  within  our  gates,  a 
most  hearty  welcome,  and  bestowing  upon  him  the  proper  edu- 
cation of  both  head  and  heart  and  at  the  same  time  demand- 
ing of  him  unfailing  fidelity  to  our  institutions,  we  may  look 
with  becoming  confidence  to  the  continuance  of  those  political 
truisms  which  lie  at  the  foundation  of  all  free,  humane  and 
orderly  government,  because  we  can  depend  upon  such  a  new 
citizenry  to  support  and  defend  these  great  principles  which 
have  contributed  so  bountifully  to  their  happiness  and  prosper- 
ity. Such  a  patriotic  people,  profoundly  impressed  with  the  sense 
of  manly  responsibility  to  the  government  they  have  sworn 
to  support,  will  strive  by  all  fair  and  energetic  means  to  re- 
move all  obtruding  evils  from  the  pathway  of  democratic  prog- 
ress, and  to  bring  that  form  of  government  at  last  into  that 
state  of  perfection  in  which  all  men  shall  be  vouchsafed  the 
largest  measure  of  rational  liberty  and  material  and  spiritual 
development.  In  this  direction  our  Republic  has  ever  led;  and 
as  it  has  in  the  past  carried  the  beacon  of  progress,  so  may  it 
in  the  future  continue  to  hold  aloft  the  torch  of  enlightened 
liberty  to  oppressed  mankind  wherever  they  may  suffer  or  toil 
upward  toward  the  light. 


THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

(Adopted  in  1787) 
Preamble 

We,  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  form  a  more  perfect 
union,  establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity,  provide  for  the 
common  defence,  promote  the  general  welfare,  and  secure  the  bless- 
ings of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  posterity,  do  ordain  and  establish 
this  Constitution  for  the  United  States  of  America. 

Article  I.  The  Legislative,  or  Law-making  Power 
Section  I.    Congress  in  General 

All  legislative  powers  herein  granted  shall  be  vested  in  a  Congress  of 
the  United  States,  which  shall  consist  of  a  Senate  and  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives. 

Section  II.     The  House  of  Bepresentatives 

1.  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  be  composed  of  members 
chosen  every  second  year  by  the  people  of  the  several  States,  and  the 
electors  in  each  State  shall  have  the  qualifications  requisite  for  elector® 
of  the  most  numerous  branch  of  the  State  Legislature. 

2.  No  person  shall  be  a  Representative  who  shall  not  have  attained 
to  the  age  of  twenty-five  years,  and  been  seven  years  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States,  and  who  shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an  inhabitant  of  that 
State  in  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

3.  Representatives  and  direct  taxes  shall  be  apportioned  among  the 
several  States  which  may  be  included  within  this  Union,  according  to 
their  respective  numbers,  which  shall  be  determined  by  adding  to  the 
whole  number  of  free  persons,  including  those  bound  to  service  for  a 
term  of  years,  and  excluding  Indians  not  taxed,  three  fifths  of  all  other 
persons.  The  actual  enumeration  shall  be  made  within  three  years  after 
the  first  meeting  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  within  every 
subsequent  term  of  ten  years,  in  such  manner  as  they  shall  by  law  direct. 
The  number  of  Representatives  shall  not  exceed  one  for  every  thirty 
thousand,  but  each  State  shall  have  at  least  one  Representative;  and 
until  such  enumeration  shall  be  made,  the  State  of  New  Hampshire  shall 
be  entitled  to  choose  three,  Massachusetts  eight,  Rhode  Island  and  Provi- 
dence Plantations  one,  Connecticut  five.  New  York  six,  New  Jersey  four, 
Pennsylvania  eight,  Delaware  one,  Maryland  six,  Virginia  ten,  North 
Carolina  five,  South  Carolina  five,  and  Georgia  three. 

4.  When  vacancies  happen  in  the  representation  from  any  State, 
the  executive  authority  thereof  shall  issue  writs  of  election  to  fill  such 
va<5ancies. 

5.  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  choose  their  Speaker  and 
other  officers;  and  shall  have  the  sole  power  of  impeachment. 

169 

12 


170  AMERICAN    PRINCIPLES 


Section  III.     The  Senate 

1.  The  Senate  of  the  United  States  shall  be  composed  of  two  Sena- 
tors from  each  State,  chosen  by  the  legislature  thereof/  for  six  years; 
and  each  Senator  shall  have  one  vote. 

2.  Immediately  after  they  shall  be  assembled  in  consequence  of  the 
first  election,  they  shall  be  divided  as  equally  as  may  bo  into  three  classes. 
The  seats  of  the  Senators  of  the  first  class  shall  be  vacated  at  the  expira- 
tion of  the  second  year,  of  the  second  class  at  the  expiration  of  the 
fourth  year,  and  of  the  third  class  at  the  expiration  of  the  sixth  year,  so 
that  one  third  may  be  chosen  every  second  year;  and  if  vacancies  hap- 
pen by  resignation,  or  otherwise,  during  the  recess  of  the  legislature  of 
any  State,  the  executive  thereof  may  make  temporary  appointments  until 
the  next  meeting  of  the  legislature,  which  shall  then  fill  sueh  vacancies. 

3.  No  person  sliall  be  a  Senator  who  shall  not  have  attained  to  Jhe 
age  of  thirty  years,  and  been  nine  years  a  citizen  of  the  United  States, 
and  who  shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an  inhabitant  of  that  State  for  which 
he  shall  be  chosen. 

4.  The  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  shall  be  President  of 
the  Senate,  but  shall  have  no  vote,  unless  they  be  equally  divided. 

5.  The  Senate  shall  choose  their  other  officers,  and  also  a  President 
pro  tempore,  in  the  absence  of  the  Vice-President,  or  when  he  shall 
exercise  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States. 

6.  The  Senate  shall  have  the  sole  power  to  try  all  impeachments. 
Wlien  sitting  for  that  purpose,  they  shall  be  on  oath  or  affirmation. 
When  the  President  of  the  United  States  is  tried,  the  Chief  Justice  shall 
preside:  and  no  person  shall  be  convicted  without  the  concurrence  of 
two  thirds  of  the  members  present. 

7.  Judgment  in  cases  of  impeachment  shall  not  extend  further  than 
to  removal  from  office,  and  disqualification  to  hold  and  enjoy  any  office 
of  honor,  trust  or  profit  under  the  United  States:  but  the  party  con- 
victed shall  nevertheless  be  liable  and  subject  to  indictment,  trial,  judg- 
ment and  punishment,  according  to  law. 

Section  IV.    How  Senators  and  Representatives  shall  he  chosen y  and 
when  they  are  to  meet 

1.  The  times,  places  and  manner  of  holding  elections  for  Senators 
and  Kepresentatives,  shall  be  prescribed  in  each  State  by  the  legisla- 
ture thereof;  but  the  Congress  may  at  any  time  by  law  make  or  alter 
such  regulations,  except  as  to  the  places  of  choosing  Senators. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  assemble  at  least  once  in  every  year,  and  such 
meeting  shall  be  on  the  first  Monday  in  December,  unless  they  shall  by 
law  appoint  a  different  day. 

Section  V.     Bules  of  Procedure 

1.  Each  house  shall  be  the  judge  of  the  elections,  returns  and 
qualifications  of  its  own  members,  and  a  majority   of  each  shall  con- 

iSome  persons  believe  that  United  States  Senators  should  be  elected  by 
the  people  at  large,  as  Governors  of  States  are  elected.  To  do  this  would  re- 
quire an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  but  under 
present  laws  a  State  can  indicate  its  choice  for  Senator  at  what  is  called  a 
primary.  The  result  of  such  a  primary,  while  not  legally  binding  upon  the 
legislature    is  considered  as  morally  binding. 


THE    CONSTITUTION  171 

stitu'te  a  quorum  to  do  business;  but  a  smaller  number  may  adjourn 
from  day  to  day,  and  may  be  authorized  to  compel  the  attendance 
of  absent  members,  in  such  manner,  and  under  such  penalties  as  each 
house  may  provide. 

2.  Each  house  may  determine  the  rules  of  its  proceedings,  punish 
il3  members  for  disorderly  behavior,  and,  with  the  concurrence  of  two 
thirds,  expel  a  member. 

3.  Each  house  shall  keep  a  journal  of  its  proceedings,  and  from 
time  to  time  publish  the  same,  excepting  such  parts  as  may  in  their 
judgment  require  secrecy;  and  the  yeas  and  nays  of  the  members  of 
either  house  on  any  question  shall,  at  the  desire  of  one  fifth  of  those 
present,  be  entered  on  the  journal. 

4.  Neither  house,  during  the  session  of  Congress,  shall,  without  the 
consent  of  the  other,  adjourn  for  more  than  three  days,  nor  to  any  other 
place  than  that  in  which  the  two  houses  shall  be  sitting. 

Section  VI.     Competisationf  Privileges,  and  Restrictions 

1.  The  Senators  and  Representatives  shall  receive  a  compensation 
for  their  services,  to  be  ascertained  by  law  and  paid  out  of  the  Treasury 
of  the  United  States.^  They  shall  in  all  cases,  except  treason,  felony 
and  breach  of  the  peace,  be  privileged  from  arrest  during  their  attend- 
ance at  the  session  of  their  respective  houses,  and  in  going  to  and 
returning  from  the  same;  and  for  any  speech  or  debate  in  either  house, 
they  shall  not  be  questioned  in  any  other  place. 

2.  No  Senator  or  Representative  shall,  during  the  time  for  which 
he  was  elected,  be  appointed  to  any  civil  office  under  the  authority  of 
the  United  States,  which  shall  have  been  created,  or  the  emoluments 
whereof  shall  have  been  increased  during  such  time;  and  no  person 
holding  any  office  under  the  United  States,  shall  be  a  member  of  either 
house   during  his   continuance  in  office. 

Section  VII.     Mode  of  Passing  Laws 

1.  All  bills  for  raising  revenue  shall  originate  in  the  House  of 
Representatives;  but  the  Senate  may  propose  or  concur  with  amend- 
ments as  on  other  bills. 

2.  Every  bill  which  shall  have  passed  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives and  the  Senate,  shall,  before  it  become  a  law,  be  presented  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States ;  if  he  approve  he  shall  sigii  it,  but  if  not 
he  shall  return  it,  with  his  objections  to  that  house  in  which  it  shall 
have  originated,  who  shall  enter  the  objections  at  large  on  their  journal, 
and  proceed  to  reconsider  it.  If  after  such  reconsideration  two  thirds 
of  that  house  shall  agree  to  pass  the  bill,  it  shall  be  sent,  together  with 
the  objections,  to  the  other  house,  by  which  it  shall  likewise  be  recon- 
sidered, and  if  approved  by  two  thirds  of  that  house,  it  shall  become 
a  law.  But  in  all  such  cases  the  votes  of  both  houses  shall  be  deter- 
mined by  yeas  and  nays,  and  the  names  of  the  persons  voting  for  and 
against  the  bill  shall  be  entered  on  t.he  journal  of  each  house  respec- 
tively. If  any  bill  shall  not  be  returned  by  the  President  within  ten 
days    (Sundays   excepted)    after  it  shall  have  been  presented  to  him, 

lAt  present  both  Senators  and  Representatives  receive  $7500  annually, 
with  an  additional  allowance  for  clerk  hire,  stationei*y,  and  traveling  expenses. 


172  AMERICAN   PRINCIPLES 

the  same  shall  be  a  law,  in  like  manner  as  if  he  had  signed  it,  unless 
the  Congress  by  their  adjaiirnment  prevent  its  return,  in  which  case 
it  shall  not  be  a  law. 

3.  Every  order,  resolution,  or  vote  to  which  the  concurrence  of  the 
Senate  and  House  of  Eepresentatives  may  be  necessary  (except  on  a 
question  of  adjournment)  shall  be  presented  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  before  the  same  shall  take  effect,  shall  be  approved 
by  him,  or  being  disapproved  by  him,  shall  be  repassed  by  two  thirds 
of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Eepresentatives,  according  to  the  rules 
and  limitations  prescribed  in  the  case  of  a  bill. 

Section  VIII.    Powers  granted  to  Congress 

The  Congress  shall  have  power: 

1.  To  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts  and  excises,  to  pay  the 
debts  and  provide  for  the  common  defense  and  general  welfare  of 
the  United  States;  but  all  duties,  imposts  and  excises  shall  be  uniform 
throughout   the  United  States; 

2.  To  borrow  money  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States; 

3.  To  regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations,  and  among  the 
several  States,  and  with  the  Indian  tribes; 

4.  To  establish  an  uniform  rule  of  naturalization,,  and  uniform 
laws  on  the  subject  of  bankruptcies  throughout  the  United  States; 

5.  To  coin  money,  regulate  the  value  thereof,  and  of  foreign  coin, 
and   fix  the  standard   of  weights   and   measures; 

6.  To  provide  for  the  punishment  of  counterfeiting  the  securities 
and  current  coin  of  the  United  States; 

7.  To  establish  post  offices  and  post  roads; 

8.  To  promote  the  progress  of  science  and  useful  arts,  by  secur- 
ing for  limited  times  to  authors  and  inventors  the  exclusive  right  to 
their  respective  writings   and  discoveries; 

9.  To  constitute  tribunals  inferior  to  the  Supreme  Court; 

10.  To  define  and  punish  piracies  and  felonies  committed  on  the 
high  seas,  and  offenses  against  the  law  of  nations; 

11.  To  declare  war,  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  and  make 
rules  concerning  captures  on  land  and  water; 

12.  To  raise  and  support  armies,  but  no  appropriation  of  money 
to  that  use  shall  be  for  a  longer  term  than  two  years; 

13.  To   provide    and   maintain   a   navy; 

14.  To  make  rules  for  the  government  and  regulation  of  the  land 
and  naval  forces; 

15.  To  provide  for  calling  forth  the  militia  to  execute  the  laws 
of  the  Union,  suppress  insurrections  and  repel  invasions; 

16.  To  provide  for  organizing,  arming,  and  disciplining,  the  militia, 
and  for  governing  such  part  of  them  as  may  be  employed  in  the  service 
of  the  United  States,  reserving  to  the  States  respectively,  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  officers,  and  the  authority  of  training  the  militia  according 
to  the  discipline  prescribed  by   Congress; 

17.  To  exercise  exclusive  legislation  in  all  cases  whatsoever,  over 
such  district  (not  exceeding  ten  miles  square)  as  may,  by  cession  of 
particular  States,  and  the  acceptance  of  Congress,  become  the  seat  of 
government  of  the  United  States,  and  to  exercise  like  authority  over 
all  places  purchased  by  the  consent  of  the  legislature  of  the  State  in 


THE    CONSTITUTION  173 

which  the  same  shall  be,  for  the  erection  of  forts,  magazines,  arsenals, 
dock-yards,  and  other  needful  buildings; — and 

18.  To  make  all  laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and  proper  for 
•carrying  into  execution  the  foregoing  powers,  and  all  other  powers 
vested  by  this  Constitution  in  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
or  in  any  department  or   officer  thereof. 

Section  IX,     Towers  denied  to  the  Federal  Government 

1.  The  migration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as  any  of  the 
States  now  existing  shall  think  proper  to  admit,  shall  not  be  pro- 
hibited by  the  Congress  prior  to  the  year  one  thousand  eight  hundred 
and  eight,  but  a  tax  or  duty  may  be  imposed  on  such  importation,  not 
exceeding   ten   dollars   for   each   person. 

2.  The  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  shall  not  be  sus- 
pended, unless  when  in  cases  of  rebellion  or  invasion  the  public  safety 
may  require  it. 

3.  No  bill  of  attainder  or  ex  post  facto  law  shall  be  passed. 

4.  No  capitation,  or  other  direct,  tax  shall  be  laid,  unless  in  pro- 
portion to  the  census  or  enumeration  hereinbefore  directed  to  be  taken. 

5.  No  tax  or  duty  shall  be  laid  on  articles  exported  from  any 
State. 

6.  No  preference  shall  be  given  by  any  regulation  of  commerce  or 
revenue  to  the  ports  of  one  State  over  those  of  another :  nor  shall  vessels 
bound  to,  or  from,  one  State,  be  obliged  to  enter,  clear,  or  pay  duties 
in  another. 

7.  No  money  shall  be  drawn  from  the  treasury,  but  in  consequence 
of  appropriations  made  by  law;  and  a  regular  statement  and  account  of 
the  receipts  and  expenditures  of  all  public  money  shall  be  published 
from    time    to    time. 

8.  No  title  of  nobility  shall  be  granted  by  the  United  States:  and 
no  person  holding  any  office  of  profit  or  trust  under  them,  shall,  with- 
out the  consent  of  the  Congress,  accept  of  any  present,  emolument,  officej 
or  title,  of  any  kind  whatever,  from  any  king,  prince,  or  foreign  State. 

Section  X.    Towers  denied  to  the  States 

1.  No  State  shall  enter  into  any  treaty,  alliance,  or  confederation; 
grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal;  coin  money;  emit  bills  of  credit; 
make  anything  but  gold  and  silver  coin  a  tender  in  payment  of  debts; 
pass  any  bill  of  attainder,  ex  post  faeto  law,  or  law  impairing  the 
obligation  of  contracts,  or  grant  any  title  of  nobility. 

2.  No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  the  Congress,  lay  any 
imposts  or  duties  on  imports  or  exports,  except  what  may  be  absolutely 
necessary  for  executing  its  inspection  laws:  and  the  net  produce  of 
all  duties  and  imposts,  laid  by  any  State  on  imports  or  exports,  shall 
be  for  the  use  of  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States;  and  all  such  laws 
shall  be  subject  to  the  revision  and  control  of  the  Congress. 

3.  No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  Congress,  lay  any^  duty  of 
tonnage,  keep  troops,  or  ships  of  war  in  time  of  peace,  enter  into  any 
agreement  or  compact  with  another  State,  or  with  a  foreign  power,  or 
engage  in  war,  unless  actually  invaded,  or  in  such  imminent  danger  as 
will  not  admit  of  delay. 


174  AMERICAN   PRINCIPLES 

Article  II.    The  Executive,  or  Law-enforcing  Power 

Section  I.     The  President,  the  Vice-President,  and  the 
Presidential  Electors 

1.  The  executive  power  shall  be  vested  in  a  President  of  the  United 
States  of  America.  He  shall  hold  his  office  during  the  term  of  four 
years,  and,  together  with  the  Vice-President,  chosen  for  the  same  term, 
be  elected,  as  follows: 

2.  Each  state  shall  appoint,  in  such  manner  as  the  legislature 
thereof  may  direct,  a  number  of  electors,  equal  to  the  whole  number 
of  Senators  and  Representatives  to  which  the  State  may  be  entitled 
in  the  Congress:  but  no  Senator  or  Representative,  or  person  holding 
an  office  of  trust  or  profit  under  the  United  States,  shall  be  appointed 
an  elector.^  .... 

4.  The  Congress  may  determine  the  time  of  choosing  the  electors, 
and  the  day  on  which  they  shall  give  their  votes;  which  day  shall  be 
the  same  throughout  the  United  States. 

5.  No  person  except  a  natural-born  citizen,  or  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States,  at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  this  Constitution,  shall  be 
eligible  to  the  office  of  President;  neither  shall  any  person  be  eligible 
to  that  office  who  shall  not  have  attained  to  the  age  of  thirty-five  years, 
and  been  fourteen  years  a  resident  within  the  United  States. 

6.  In  case  of  the  removal  of  the  President  from  office,  or  of  his 
death,  resignation  or  inability  to  discharge  the  powers  and  duties  of 
the  said  office,  the  same  shall  devolve  on  the  Vice-President,  and  the 
Congress  may  by  law  provide  for  the  case  of  removal,  death,  resigna- 
tion or  inability,  both  of  the  President  and  Vice-President,  declaring 
what  officer  shall  then  act  as  President,  and  such  officer  shall  act  accord- 
ingly, until  the  disability  be  removed,  or  a  President  shall  be  elected.^ 

7.  The  President  shall,  at  stated  times,  receive  for  his  services,  a 
compensation  which  shall  neither  be  increased  nor  diminished  during 
the  period  for  which  he  shall  have  been  elected,  and  he  shall  not  receive 
within  that  period  any  other  emolument  from  the  United  States,  or  any 
of  them.3 

8.  Before  he  enter  on  the  execution  of  his  office,  he  shall  take  the 
following  oath  or  affirmation: — 

"I  do  solemnly  swear  (or  affirm)  that  I  will  faithfully  execute  the 
office  of  President  of  the  United  States,  and  will  to  the  best  of  my 
ability,  preserve,  protect  and  defend  the  constitution  of  the  United 
States." 


iClause  3  has  been  omitted  here,  since  its  provisions,  governing  the  method 
of  the  selection  by  the  electors  of  the  President  and  the  Vice-President,  have 
been  changed  by  Article  XII  of  the  Amendmjents,  adopted  in  1804. 

iiln   1886,    Congress   passed   the  Presidential   Succession   Act. 

3The  first  salary  act,  1789,  fixed  the  President's  salary  at  $25,000  a  year;  in 
1873  this  was  changed  to  $50,000,  and  in  1909  to  the  present  salary,  $75,0010. 
In  addition  Congress  pays  certain  expenses  connected  with  the  White  House, 
and  makes  other  allowances  for  expenses  incidental  to  the  presidential  office. 


THE    CONSTITUTION  175 

Section  II.     The  Powers  of  the  President 

1.  The  President  shall  be  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  and 
navy  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  militia  of  the  several  States, 
when  called  into  the  actual  service  of  the  United  States;  he  may  re- 
quire the  opinion,  in  writing,  of  the  principal  officer^  in  each  of  the 
executive  departments,  upon  any  subject  relating  to  the  duties  of  their 
respective  offices,  and  he  shall  have  power  to  grant  reprieves  and  pardons 
for  offenses  against  the  United  States,  except  in  cases  of  impeach- 
ment. 

2.  He  shall  have  power,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
Senate,  to  make  treaties,  provided  two  thirds  of  the  Senators  present 
concur;  and  he  shall  nominate,  and  by  and  with  the  advice  and  con- 
sent of  the  Senate,  shall  appoint  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers 
and  consuls,  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  all  other  officers  of 
the  United  States,  whose  appointments  are  not  herein  otherwise  pro- 
vided for,  and  which  shall*  be  established  by  law:  but  the  Congress 
may  by  law  vest  the  appointment  of  such  inferior  officers,  as  they  think 
proper,  in  the  President  alone,  in  the  courts  of  law,  or  in  the  heads  of 
departments. 

3.  The  President  shall  have  power  to  fill  up  all  vacancies  that  may 
happen  during  the  recess  of  the  Senate,  by  granting  commissions  which 
shall  expire  at  the  end  of  their  next  session. 

Section  III,     The  Duties  of  the  President 

He  shall  from  time  to  time  give  to  the  Congress  information  of  the 
state  of  the  Union,  and  recommend  to  their  consideration  such  measures 
as  he  shall  judge  necessary  and  expedient;  he  may,  on  extraordinary 
occasions,  convene  both  Houses,  or  either  of  them,  and  in  case  of  dis- 
agreement between  them,  with  respect  to  the  time  of  adjournment,  he 
may  adjourn  them  to  such  time  as  he  shall  think  proper;  he  shall  receive 
ambassadors  and  other  public  ministers;  he  shall  take  care  that  the 
laws  be  faithfully  executed,  and  shall  commission  all  the  offi-eers  of 
the  United  States. 

Section  IV.    Impeachment 

The  President,  Vice-President,  and  all  civil  officers  of  the  United 
States,  shall  be  removed  from  office  on  impeachment  for,  and  convic- 
tion of,  treason,  bribery,  or  other  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors. 

Article  III.    The  Judicial,  or  Law-interpreting  Power 

Section  I,     The  Federal  Courts 

The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  vested  in  one 
Supreme  Court,  and  in  such  inferior  courts  as  the  Congress  may  from 
time  to  time  ordain  and  establish.  The  judges,  both  of  the  Supreme 
and  inferior  courts,  shall  hold  their  offices  during  good  behavior,  and 

iThe  President  is  authorized  by  Congress,  subject  to  the  confirmation  of 
tlie  Senate,  to  appoint  a  cabinet,  which  consists  at  the  present  time  of  the 
secretaries  of  the  following  departments:  State,  War,  Treasury,  Navy,  In- 
terior. Agriculture,  and  Commerce  and  Labor,  and  of  the  Attorney-General  and 
the  Postmaster-General.  Each  of  these  is  at  the  head  of  an  important  execu- 
tive branch  of  the  Government.  Cabinet  officers,  therefore,  are  assistants  to 
the  President.  The  Cabinet  as  a  whole  acts  as  an  advisory  body  to  the 
President. 


176  AMERICAN   PRINCIPLES 

ehal],  at  stated  times^  receive  for  their  services,  a  compensation^  which 
ehall  not  be  diminished  during  their  continuance  in  office. 

Section  II.     Their  Powers  and  Jurisdiction 

1.  The  judicial  power  shall  extend  to  all  cases,  in  law  and  equity, 
arising  under  this  Constitution,  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  and 
treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be  made,  under  their  authority;  to  all  cases 
affecting  ambassadoi^s,  other  public  ministers  and  consuls;  to  all  cases 
of  admiralty  and  maritime  jurisdiction;  to  controversies  to  which  the 
United  States  shall  be  a  party;  to  controversies  between  two  or  more 
States;  between  a  State  and  citizens  of  another  State;  between  citizens 
of  different  States;  between  citizens  of  the  same  State  claiming  lands 
under  grants  of  different  States,  and  between  a  State,  or  the  citizens 
thereof,   and   foreign   States,   citizens    or   subjects.^ 

2.  In  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers  and 
consuls,  and  those  in  which  a  State  shall  be  party,  the  Supreme  Court 
shall  have  original  jurisdiction.  In  all  the  other  cases  before  mentioned, 
the  Supreme  Court  shall  have  appellate  jurisdiction,  both  as  to  law 
and  fact,  with  such  exceptions,  and  under  such  regulations  as  the  Con- 
gress shall  make. 

3.  The  trial  of  all  crimes,  except  in  cases  of  impeachment,  shall 
be  by  jury;  and  such  trial  shall  be  held  in  the  State  where  the  said 
crime  shall  have  been  committed;  but  when  not  committed  within  any 
State,  the  trial  shall  be  at  such  place  or  places  as  the  Congress  may 
by  law  have  directed. 

Section  III.     What  Treason  is,  and  how  it  shall  be  punished 

1.  Treason  against  the  United  States,  shall  consist  only  in  levying 
war  against  them,  or  in  adhering  to  their  enemies,  giving  them  aid  and 
comfort.  No  person  shall  be  convicted  of  treason  unless  on  the  testimony 
of  two  witnesses  to  the  same  overt  act,  or  on  confession  in  open  court. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  declare  the  punishment  of 
treason,  but  no  attainder  of  treason  shall  work  corruption  of  blood,  or 
forfeiture  except   during  the  life  of  the   person  attainted. 

Article  IV.    Eelations  between  the  States  and  the  Federal 

GrOVERNMENT 

Section  I,    State  Authority  to  he  recognized 

Full  faith  and  credit  shall  be  given  in  each  State  to  the  public  acts, 
records,  and  judicial  proceedings  of  every  other  State.  And  the 
Congress  may  by  general  laws  prescribe  the  manner  in  which  such  acts, 
records  and  proceedings  shall  be  proved,  and  the  effect  thereof. 

Section  II.     Privileges  and  Immunities  of  Citisens;  Extradition 

1.  The  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  all  privileges  and 
immunities  of  citizens  in  the  several  States. 

2.  A  person  charged  in  any  State  with  treason,  felony,  or  other 
crime,  who  shall  flee  from  justice,  and  be  found  in  another  State,  shall 
on  demand  of  the  executive  authority  of  the  State  from  which  he  fled, 

IThis  paragraph  has  been  modified  by  Article  XI  of  the  Amendments. 
adopted   in   1798. 


THE    CONSTITUTION  177 

be  delivered  up  to  be  removed  to  the  State  having  jurisdiction  of  the 
crime. 

3.  No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State,  under  the  laws 
thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or 
regulation  therein,  be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor,  but  shall 
be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service  or  labor 
may  be  due. 

Section  III.     Admission  of  New  States;  Congress  to  rule  Territories 

1.  New  States  may  be  admitted  by  the  Congress  into  this  Union; 
but  no  new  State  shall  be  formed  or  erected  within  the  jurisdiction 
of  any  other  State;  nor  any  State  be  formed  by  the  junction  of  two 
or  more  States,  or  parts  of  States,  without  the  consent  of  the  legis- 
lature of  the  States  concerned  as  well  as  of  the  Congress. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  dispose  of  and  make  all 
needful  rules  and  regulations  respecting  the  territory  or  other  property 
belonging  to  the  United  States;  and  nothing  in  this  Constitution  shall 
be  so  construed  as  to  prejudice  any  claims  of  the  United  States,  or  of 
any  particular  State. 

Section  IV.    States  to  he  protected  hy  the  Nation 

The  United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every  State  in  this  Union  a 
republican  form  of  government,  and  shall  protect  each  of  them  against 
invasion;  and  on  application  of  the  legislature,  or  of  the  executive 
(when  the  legislature  cannot  be  convened)    against  domestic  violence. 

Article  V.    How  the  Constitution  is  to  be  Amended 

The  Congress,  whenever  two  thirds  of  both  Houses  shall  deem  it 
necessary,  shall  propose  amendments  to  this  Constitution,  or,  on  the 
application  of  the  legislatures  of  two  thirds  of  the  several  States,  shall 
call  a  convention  for  proposing  amendments,  which,  in  either  ease,  shall 
be  valid  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  part  of  this  Constitution,  when 
ratified  by  the  legislatures  of  three  fourths  of  the  several  States,  or  by 
conventions  in  three  fourths  thereof,  as  the  one  or  the  other  mode  of 
ratification  may  be  proposed  by  the  Congress;  provided  that  no 
amendment  which  may  be  made  prior  to  the  year  one  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  eight  shall  in  any  manner  affect  the  first  and  fourth  clauses 
in  the  ninth  section  of  the  first  article;  and  that  no  State,  without  its 
consent,  shall  be  deprived  of  its  equal  suffrage  in  the  Senate.^ 

Article  VI.     The  Public  Debt,  the  Supremacy  of  the  Consti- 
tution, the  Oath  of  Office 

1.  All  debts  contracted  and  engagements  entered  into,  before  the 
adoption  of  this  Constitution,  shall  be  as  valid  against  the  United 
States  under  this  Constitution,  as  under  the  Confederation. 

2.  This  Constitution,  and  the  laws  of  the  United  States  which  shall 
be  made  in  pursuance  thereof;  and  all  treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be 
made,  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  the  supreme 
law  of  the  land;  and  the  judges  in  every  State  shall  be  bound  thereby, 

lit  ia  therefore  impossible  to  reduce  the  number  of  Senators  from  a  State 
with  a  small  diminishing  population. 


178 


AMERICAN    PRINCIPLES 


anything  in  the  Constitution  or  laws  of  any  State  to  the  contrary  not- 
withstanding. 

3.  The  Senators  and  Representatives  before  mentioned,  and  the 
members  of  the  several  State  legislatures,  and  all  executive  and  judicial 
officers,  both  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  several  States,  shall  be 
bound  by  oath  or  affirmation,  to  support  this  Constitution;  but  no 
religious  test  shall  ever  be  required  as  a  qualification  to  any  office  or 
public  trust  under  the  United  States. 


Article  YII. 


Eatification    and  Establishment 
Constitution 


The  ratification  of  the  conventions  of  nine  States,  shall  be  sufficient 
for  the  establishment  of  this  Constitution  between  the  States  so  ratify- 
ing the  same. 

Done  in  convention  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  States  present 
the  seventeenth  day  of  September  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  eighty-seven  and  of  the  independence  of 
the  United  States  of  America  the  twelfth.  In  witness  whereof  we 
have  hereunto  subscribed  our  names. 

Go:  Washington, 
Presidt.  and  Deputy  from  Virginia. 


Attest    William  Jackson 

New  Hampshire. 
John  Langdon, 
Nicholas  Gilman. 

Massachusetts. 
Nathaniel  Gorham, 
RuFus  King. 

Connecticut. 
Wm:  Saml.  Johnson, 
Roger  Sherman. 

New  York. 
Alexander  Hamilton. 

New  Jersey. 
Wil:  Livingston, 
David  Brearley, 
Wm.  Paterson, 
JoNA.  Dayton. 

Pennsylvania. 
B.  Franklin, 
Thomas  Mifflin, 
RoBT.  Morris, 
Geo.  Clymer, 
Thos.  Fitz  Simons, 
Jared  Ingersoll, 
James  Wilson, 
Gouv  Morris. 

Attest : 


Secretary 

Delaware. 
Geo:  Read, 

Gunning  Bedford,  jun 
John  Dickinson, 
Richard  Bassett, 
Jaco:  Broom. 

Maryland. 
James  McHenry, 
Dan  of  St.  Thos.  Jenifer, 
Danl  Carroll. 

Virginia. 
John  Blair, 
James  Madison,  Jr. 

North  Caroli7ia. 
Wm:  Blount, 

RiCHD.  DOBBS  SPAIGHT, 

Hu  Williamson. 
South  Carolina. 

J.  RUTLEDGE, 

Charles  Pinckney, 

Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney, 

Pierce  Butler. 

Georgia. 
William  Few, 
Abr.  Baldwin. 

William  Jackson,  Secretary, 


THE    CONSTITUTION  179 

AMENDMENTS  TO  THE  CONSTITUTION 

(The  first  ten  are  commanly  called  the  "Bill  of  Rights*') 

[The  first  ten  Amendments  were  proposed  at  the  First  Session  of  the 
First  Congress  of  the  United  States.  They  were  declared  in  force  Decem- 
ber 15,  1791.  These  Amendments  were  accompanied  by  the  following 
explanatory  preamble  and  resolution:  — 

Congress  of  the  United  States,  begun  and  held  at  the  city  of  New 
York,  on  Wednesday,  the  4th  of  March,  1789.  The  conventions  of  a 
number  of  the  States  having,  at  the  time  of  their  adopting  the  Constitu- 
tion, expressed  a  desire,  in  order  to  prevent  misconstru^^tion  or  abuse  of 
its  powers,  that  further  declaratory  and  restrictive  clauses  should  be 
added;  and  as  extending  the  ground  of  public  confidence  in  the  Govern- 
ment will  best  insure  the  beneficent  ends  of  its  institution : 

Besolved,  by  the  Seriate  and  Bourse  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  two  thirds  of  both  houses 
concurring^  That  the  following  articles  be  proposed  to  the  legislatures  of 
the  several  States,  as  amendments  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  all  or  any  of  which  articles,  when  ratified  by  three  fourths  of  said 
legislatures,  to  be  valid,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  part  of  said 
Constitution,  viz :  ] 

Article  I 

Freedom  of  Religion,  Speech,  and  the  Press;  Bight  of  Assembly 

Congress  shall  make  no  law  respecting  an  establishment  of  religion,  or 
prohibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof ;  or  abridging  the  freedom  of  speech, 
or  of  the  press;  or  the  right  of  the  people  peaceably  to  assemble,  and  to 
petition  the  Government  for  a  redress  of  grievances. 

Article  II 

Eight  to  'keep  and  bear  Arms  . 

A  well  regulated  militia,  being  necessary  to  the  security  of  a  free 
State,  the  right  of  the  people  to  keep  and  bear  arms,  shall  not  be  in- 
fringed. 

Article  III 

Quartering  of  Troops,  only  by  Consent 

No  soldier  shall,  in  time  of  peace,  be  quartered  in  any  house,  without 
the  consent  of  the  owner,  nor  in  time  of  war,  but  in  a  manner  to  be  pre- 
scribed by  law. 

Article  IV 

Limiting  the  Bight  of  Search 

The  right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their  persons,  houses,  papers, 
and  effects,  against  unreasonable  searches  and  seizures,  shall  not  be 
violated,  and  no  warrants  shall  issue,  but  upon  probable  cause,  supported 
by  oath  or  affirmation,  and  particularly  describing  the  place  to  be 
searched,  and  the  persons  or  things  to  be  seized. 


180  AMERICAN    PRINCIPLES 

Article  V 

Chiaranty  of  Trial  by  Jury;  Private  Property  to  be  respected 

No  person  shall  be  held  to  answer  for  a  capital,  or  otherwise  infamous 
crime,  unless  on  a  presentment  or  indictment  of  a  grand  jury,  except  in 
cases  arising  in  the  land  or  naval  forces,  or  in  the  militia,  when  in  actual 
service  in  time  of  war  or  public  danger ;  nor  shall  any  person  be  subject 
for  the  same  offense  to  be  twice  put  in  jeopardy  of  life  or  limb;  nor 
shall  be  compelled  in  any  criminal  case  to  be  a  witness  against  himself, 
nor  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property,  without  due  process  of  law; 
nor  shall  private  property  be  taken  for  public  use^  without  just  com- 
pensation. 

Article  VI 

Eights  of  Accused  Persons 

In  all  criminal  prosecutions,  the  accused  shall  enjoy  the  right  to  a 
speedy  and  public  trial,  by  an  impartial  jury  of  the  State  and  district 
wherein  the  crime  shall  have  been  committed,  which  district  shall  have 
been  previously  ascertained  by  law,  and  to  be  informed  of  the  nature 
and  cause  of  the  accusation ;  to  be  confronted  with  the  witnesses  against 
him;  to  have  compulsory  process  for  obtaining  witnesses  in  his  favor, 
and  to  have  the  assistance  of  counsel  for  his  defense. 

Article  VII 

Bules  of  the  Common  Law 

In  suits  at  Common  Law,  where  the  value  in  controversy  shall  exceed 
twenty  dollars,  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  shall  be  preserved,  and  no  fact 
tried  by  a  jury  shall  be  otherwise  re-examined  in  any  court  of  the  United 
States,  than  according  to  the  rules  of  the  common  law. 

Article  VIII 

Excessive  Bail,  Fines,  and  Punishments  prohibited 

Excessive  bail  shall  not  be  required,  nor  excessive  fines  imposed,  nor 
cruel  and  unusual  punishments  inflicted. 

Article  IX 

Other  Eights  of  the  People 

The  enumeration  in  the  Constitution,  of  certain  rights,  shall  not  be 
construed  to  deny  or  disparage  others  retained  by  the  people. 

Article  X 

Powers  reserved  to  States  and  People 

The  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the  Constitution, 
nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to  the  States  respectively, 
or  to  the  people. 


THE    CONSTITUTION  181 

Article  XI^ 

Lvmiting  the  Powers  of  Federal  Courts 

The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  not  be  construed  to 

extend  to  any  suit  in  law  or  equity,  commenced  or  prosecuted  against 

one  of  the  United  States  by  citizens  of  another  State,  or  by  citizens  or 

subjects  of  any  foreign  State. 

Article  XII^ 
How  the  Fresident  and  Vice-F resident  shall  he  elected 

The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States,  and  vote  by  ballot 
for  President  and  Vice-President,  one  of  whom,  at  least,  shall  not  be  an 
inhabitant  of  the  same  State  with  themselves;  they  shall  name  in  their 
ballots  the  persons  voted  for  as  President,  and  in  distinct  ballots  the  per- 
sons voted  for  as  Vice-President^  and  they  shall  make  distinct  lists  of  all 
persons  voted  for  as  President,  and  of  all  persons  voted  for  as  Vice-Presi- 
dent, and  of  the  number  of  votes  for  each,  which  list  they  shall  sign  and 
certify,  and  transmit  sealed  to  the  seat  of  the  government  of  the  United 
States,  directed  to  the  President  of  the  Senate; — The  President  of  the 
Senate  shall,  in  presence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives, 
open  all  the  certificates  and  the  votes  shall  then  be  counted; — ^the  person 
having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  for  President,  shall  be  the  President, 
if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed; 
and  if  no  person  have  such  majority,  then  from  the  persons  having  the 
highest  numbers  not  exceeding  three  on  the  list  of  those  voted  for  as 
President,  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  choose  immediately,  by 
ballot,  the  President.  But  in  choosing  the  President,  the  votes  shall  be 
taken  by  States,  the  representation  from  each  State  having  one  vote;  a 
quorum  for  this  purpose  shall  consist  of  a  member  or  members  from 
two  thirds  of  the  States,  and  a  majority  of  all  the  States  shall  be  neces- 
sary to  a  choice.  And  if  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  not  choose 
a  President  whenever  the  right  of  choice  shall  devolve  upon  them,  before 
the  fourth  day  of  March  next  following,  then  the  Vice-President  shall  act 
as  President,  as  in  the  case  of  the  death  or  other  constitutional  disability 
of  the  President.  The  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  as 
Vice-President,  shall  be  the  Vice-President,  if  such  nimiber  be  a  majority 
of  the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed,  and  if  no  person  have  a 
majority,  then  from  the  two  highest  numbers  on  the  list,  the  Senate  shall 
choose  the  Vice-President;  a  quorum  for  the  purpose  shall  consist  of  two 
thirds  of  the  whole  number  of  Senators,  and  a  majority  of  the  whole 
number  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice.  But  no  person  constitutionally 
ineligible  to  the  office  of  President  shall  be  eligible  to  that  of  Vice-Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States. 

Article  XIII^ 
The  Abolition  of  Slavery 

1.  Neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  except  as  a  punishment 
for  crime  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted,  shall  exist 
within  the  United  States,  or  any  place  subject  to  their  jurisdiction. 

2.     Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  article  by  appropriate 
legislation. 

1  Declared  in  force  January  8,  1798.       2  Declared  in  force  September  25,  1804. 
3  Declared  in  force  December  18,  1865. 


182  AMERICAN    PRINCIPLES 

Article  XIVi 

Section  I.    Definit^ion  of  Citizenship 

All  persons  born  or  naturalized  in  the  United  States,  and  subject  to 
the  jurisdiction  thereof,  are  citizens  of  the  United  States  and  of  the 
State  wherein  they  reside.  No  State  shall  make  or  enforce  any  law 
which  shall  abridge  the  privileges  or  immunities  of  citizens  of  the  United 
States;  nor  shall  any  State  deprive  any  person  of  life,  liberty,  or  prop- 
erty, without  due  process  of  law;  nor  deny  to  any  person  within  its 
jurisdiction  the  equal  protection  of  the  laws. 

Section  II.     How  Representatives  shall  he  apportioned 

Representatives  shall  be  apportioned  among  the  several  States  accord- 
ing to  their  respective  numbers,  counting  the  whole  number  of  persons  in 
each  State,  excluding  Indians  not  taxed.  But  when  the  right  to  vote  at 
any  election  for  the  choice  of  electors  for  President  and  Vice-President 
of  the  United  States^  Representatives  in  Congress,  the  executive  and 
judicial  officers  of  a  State,  or  the  members  of  the  Legislature  thereof, 
is  denied  to  any  of  the  male  inhabitants  of  such  State,  being  twenty-one 
years  of  age,  and  citizens  of  the  United  States,  or  in  any  way  abridged, 
except  for  participation  in  rebellion,  or  other  crime,  the  basis  of  repre- 
sentation therein  shall  be  reduced  in  the  proportion  which  the  number  of 
such  male  citizens  shall  bear  to  the  whole  number  of  male  citizens  twenty- 
one  years  of  age  in  such  State.  i 

Section  III.     Disability  resulting  from  Insurrection 

No  person  shall  be  a  Senator  or  Representative  in  Congress,  or  elector 
of  President  and  Vice-President,  or  hold  any  office,  civil  or  military, 
under  the  United  States,  or  under  any  State,  who,  having  previously  taken 
an  oath,  as  a  member  of  Congress,  or  as  an  officer  of  the  United  States, 
or  as  a  member  of  any  State  Legislature,  or  as  an  executive  or  judicial 
officer  of  any  State,  to  support  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
shall  have  engaged  in  insurrection  or  rebellion  against  the  same,  or  given, 
aid  or  comfort  to  the  enemies  thereof.  But  Congress  may  by  a  vote  of 
two  thirds  of  each  House,  remove  such  disability. 

Section  IV.    Fiihlio  Debt  of  the  United  States  valid;  Confederate  Debt  void 

The  validity  of  the  public  debt  of  the  United  States,  authorized  by 
law,  including  debts  incurred  for  payment  of  pensions  and  bounties  for 
services  in  suppressing  insurrection  or  rebellion,  shall  not  be  questioned. 
But  neither  the  United  States  nor  any  State  shall  assume  or  pay  any  debt 
or  obligation  incurred  in  aid  of  insurrection  or  rebellion  against  the 
United  States,  or  any  claim  for  the  loss  or  emancipation  of  any  slave; 
but  all  such  debts,  obligations  and  claims  shall  be  held  illegal  and  void. 

Section  V.     Congress  to  enforce  the  Article 

The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce,  by  appropriate  legislation, 
the  provisions  of  this  article. 

iChanges   resulting  from   the   Civil  War.      Declared   in   force  July  28,    1868. 


THE    CONSTITUTION  183 


Article  XV^ 

1.  The  right  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote  shall  not  be 
denied  or  abridged  by  the  United  States  or  by  any  State  on  account  of 
race,  color  or  previous  condition  of  servitude. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  article  by  appro- 
priate legislation. 

Article  XVI2 

The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  lay  and  collect  taxes  on  incomes, 
from  whatever  source  derived,  without  apportionment  among  the  several 
States,  and  without  regard  to  any  census  or  enumeration. 

Article  XVIIs 

1.  The  Senate  of  the  United  States  shall  be  composed  of  two  Sena- 
tors from  each  State,  elected  by  the  people  thereof,  for  six  years;  and 
each  Senator  shall  have  one  vote.  The  electors  in  eaeh  State  shall  have 
the  qualifications  requisite  for  electors  of  the  most  numerous  branch  of 
the  State  legislatures. 

2.  When  vacancies  happen  in  the  representation  of  any  State  in  the 
Senate,  the  executive  authority  of  such  State  shall  issue  writs  of  election 
to  fill  such  vacancies :  Provided,  That  the  legislature  of  any  State  may  em- 
power the  executive  thereof  to  make  temporary  appointments  until  the 
people  fill  the  vacancies  by  election  as  the  legislature  may  direct. 

3.  This  amendment  shall  not  be  so  construed  as  to  affect  the  election 
or  term  of  any  Seuator  chosen  before  it  becomes  valid  as  part  of  the 
Constitution. 

Article  XVIII* 
The  Prohibition  of  Intoxicating  Liquors 

1.  After  one  year  from  the  ratification  of  this  article  the  manufac- 
ture, sale,  or  transportation  of  intoxicating  liquors  within,  the  importa- 
tion thereof  into,  or  the  transportation  thereof  from  the  United  States 
and  all  territory  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  thereof,  for  beverage  purposes, 
is  hereby  prohibited. 

2.  The  Congress  and  several  States  have  the  concurrent  power  to  en- 
force this  article  by  apprapriate  legislation. 

Article  XIX 

The  right  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote  shall  not  be 
denied  or  abridged  by  the  United  States  or  by  any  State  on  account  of 
sex. 

Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  article  by  appropriate 
legislation. 

1  Declared  in  force  J>larch  30,  1870,  2  Declared  in  force  February  25,  1913. 

3  Declared  in  force  April  8,  1913. 

^Became  effective  January  16,  1920. 


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